Books of the Bible
Acts—Acts of the Apostles
Amos—Amos
Bar—Baruch
1 Chr—1 Chronicles
2 Chr—2 Chronicles
Col—Colossians
1 Cor—1 Corinthians
2 Cor—2 Corinthians
Dan—Daniel
Deut—Deuteronomy
Eccl (or Qoh)—Ecclesiastes
Eph—Ephesians
Esth—Esther
Exod—Exodus
Ezek—Ezekiel
Ezra—Ezra
Gal—Galatians
Gen—Genesis
Hab—Habakkuk
Hag—Haggai
Heb—Hebrews
Hos—Hosea
Isa—Isaiah
Jas—James
Jdt—Judith
Jer—Jeremiah
Job—Job
Joel—Joel
John—John
1 John—1 John
2 John—2 John
3 John—3 John
Jonah—Jonah
Josh—Joshua
Jude—Jude
Judg—Judges
1 Kgs—1 Kings
2 Kgs—2 Kings
Lam—Lamentations
Lev—Leviticus
Luke—Luke
1 Macc—1 Maccabees
2 Macc—2 Maccabees
Mal—Malachi
Mark—Mark
Matt—Matthew
Mic—Micah
Nah—Nahum
Neh—Nehemiah
Num—Numbers
Obad—Obadiah
1 Pet—1 Peter
2 Pet—2 Peter
Phil—Philippians
Phlm—Philemon
Prov—Proverbs
Ps(s)—Psalms
Rev—Revelation
Rom—Romans
Ruth—Ruth
1 Sam—1 Samuel
2 Sam—2 Samuel
Sir—Sirach
Song—Song of Songs
1 Thess—1 Thessalonians
2 Thess—2 Thessalonians
1 Tim—1 Timothy
2 Tim—2 Timothy
Titus—Titus
Tob—Tobit
Wis—Wisdom
Zech—Zechariah
Zeph—Zephaniah
During the era of Persian rule (539–332 B.C.), when the land of Israel was known as the province of Yehud, a Jewish writer with close connections to the Jerusalem temple authored a new version of Israel’s sacred story. Crafted for the Jewish people of his time, Chronicles spans the time from the creation of the world through the end of the Babylonian exile and Cyrus’ permission for Jews to return home in 538 B.C. These books tell the story from a special perspective. They emphasize the relationship with God centered at the temple and focus on Israel’s monarchs as leaders in political and religious matters, cooperating with Levites, priests, and prophets. For example, in Chronicles there is little concern for the split between the northern and southern kingdoms after Solomon. Jerusalem is God’s chosen city, the temple is God’s special place of presence, and public worship and song are critical aspects of Israel’s public life. God appears as mighty power, transcendent divinity, creator and sustainer of the world. There are no other gods as rivals.
These views come from the same storyline as that in the books of Deuteronomy through 2 Kings, often referred to as the Deuteronomistic History. The Chronicler, however, paints this picture with different shades and accents. Often, such differences can be easily traced when the Chronicler follows the story in the Deuteronomistic History rather closely. In fact, one can read 1–2 Chronicles synoptically, comparing it with Samuel and Kings, much as one reads Matthew, Mark, and Luke in synoptic fashion. In this commentary we will attend to the Chronicler’s alterations of the older text as he rewrites Israel’s history. As we observe his changes to the story, some very obvious, many very subtle, we will notice how his theological perspective differs greatly from the earlier history. One difference is striking: the Deuteronomistic History views the era of the monarchy as a downward spiral leading to the Babylonian exile, and blames the regression on sinful actions of the kings. The Chronicler, on the other hand, presents a far more positive view of kings, especially those of Judah. He implies that their ways of conduct, especially their faith and their attention to God through worship, can lead to bountiful blessings for Israel. For the Chronicler, “Israel” is the Jewish people in Judah in the postexilic era, so the message to his audience is that they can enjoy more blessings if they wholeheartedly dedicate themselves to their God.
Israel’s early history is recounted in these books quite differently than in the Pentateuch. 1 Chronicles 1–9 consist of a series of genealogies, which cover time from the creation of the world up to the reign of Saul. While many connections exist between people in the genealogies and persons known from stories elsewhere, Chronicles does not entirely depend on narratives. Rather the story is carried through the genealogical connections. King David’s reign constitutes the second part of this book (1 Chr 10–29). Here, the Chronicler repeats much of the material in the books of Samuel and describes David’s plans for the temple and its personnel in much greater detail (1 Chr 22–29). Solomon’s reign (2 Chr 1–9) was a wonderful time for later Israel to remember and to emulate; it includes his building and dedication of the temple and lacks the negative evaluation of him found in 1 Kings 11:10–22. 2 Chronicles 10–36 narrates the history of the kingdom of Judah, with special focus on the exemplary rule of kings Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josiah. Chronicles generally omits criticism of kings in the northern kingdom of Israel, so the Chronicler may be seen to favor a reunion of the northern and southern kingdoms. In short, we can say that the Chronicler rewrites the Pentateuch by way of genealogies, and the books of Joshua through 2 Kings by a new version of the history emphasizing David’s line.
It is very helpful to keep a copy of the books of Samuel and Kings handy while reading this text, since Chronicles clearly uses these sources. The differences between them will catch our attention and suggest to us important emphases for the Chronicler. In particular, the Chronicler rewrites Kings with subtle and substantial differences (e.g., the story of Solomon, 2 Chr 1–9) and completely omits stories well known from Kings (e.g., the narratives about the prophets Elijah and Elisha, 1 Kgs 17–2 Kgs 9). The Chronicler almost ignores the kings of the North, whereas the author of Kings had evaluated them as consistently evil and guilty of idolatry. Along these lines, the Chronicler omits 2 Kings 17 and 18:9-12, a detailed examination of Israel’s various offenses against God and how they fulfill God’s word through the prophets.
This commentary will focus on some special themes and expressions in Chronicles that differ from the Deuteronomistic History. The Chronicler’s idiosyncrasies show a great interest in how Israel (i.e., Judah in postexilic times) should pray and worship, and ultimately what religious practices can help the divided sectors of Israel come together in unity.
Genealogies offer people a sense of their identity by linking them to their past, giving them a type of connection to those who gave birth to them and to their ancestors. Frequently we think of building links backwards in a line of ancestry; these we may call linear genealogies. Other genealogies spread out and display all the relations (e.g., siblings) in a certain generation, offering a sense of the breadth of connections; some people call these segmented genealogies. Occasionally, the two mix, with a genealogical line described for one or more members of a broad list of siblings. The manner and order of presentation gives a good idea of what values are most important to the writer. For example, a genealogy might trace a “line” by naming the parental relationships of one to another, going through several generations. If several members of one generation are mentioned, then you may observe which members of the line are carried through, and in what order they are described. Often they save the most important for the last.
For the people of the Chronicler’s age, hard questions persisted: how did their identity connect with the twelve tribes of Israel? What happened to the ten lost tribes? How did Israel fit into the whole of the human race? What would be their future: a small group or all Israel (represented by all twelve tribes)? Which tribes and families of Israel were most important to their self-understanding? The genealogies offer subtle answers to these questions. Much of this information can be found in the Pentateuch, interspersed with narratives well known to all Israelites. The genealogical lists in chapters 1–9 call to mind many stories and narratives recounted elsewhere.
This chapter demonstrates that Israel’s origins go back to the origins of all peoples—i.e., Abraham’s ancestry in Adam and Noah; it places Israel in this wider scope of human history envisaged by the Bible. Verses 1-4 list thirteen names of the ancestors of all human beings, distributed in ten generations. These names differ somewhat from the stories in Genesis 2–5, but they match closely a genealogical list in Genesis 5:1-32. Only in the case of Noah are all the sons listed: Shem, Ham, and Japheth (1:4).
1:5-23 lists the descendants of the sons of Noah, drawing from a genealogy in Genesis 10:1-32. Japheth’s fourteen descendants (1:5-7) seemingly relate to Noah’s sons’ settling in Europe and Asia. Ham’s thirty descendants (1:8-16) point to specific peoples and lands in Africa and Syria-Palestine; they include Canaan and other peoples later connected to lands to be dispossessed: Jebusites, Amorites, etc. Then come twenty-six descendants of Shem, the Semites localized in Arabia and Mesopotamia, with some familiar names: Asshur (Assyria) and Aram (Arameans, near Damascus) (1:17-23). Verses 24-27 contain another list of Shem’s descendants, in generations from Noah to Abraham, which parallels the genealogy in Genesis 11:10-26. In verse 27, the Chronicler says “Abram, that is, Abraham,” the name first given him in Genesis 17:1. Thus the Chronicler jumps from Genesis 11 to Genesis 17 with a new focus on Abraham, father of Israel. The rest of this chapter lists Abraham’s descendants: Ishmael (1:29-31; cf. Gen 25:13-16), Keturah his concubine (1:32-33; cf. Gen 25:1-4 where she is called a “wife”), Isaac his son (1:34), with a long genealogy for Esau (1:35-54; cf. Gen 36:10-42).
Notice how the less-favored descendants (e.g., Ishmael, Keturah, Esau) appear first, followed by the most important line. Chapter 2 begins the line of the twelve sons of Jacob, though the Chronicler never uses the name Jacob, but rather Israel. These are the heads of the twelve tribes of Israel. There are parallel lists in Genesis (35:16-18; 35:22-26; 29:31; 30:24) and Exodus (1:1-4). Although Dan and Zebulun are found in this list (2:1-2), the Chronicler does not give them a genealogy, and Dinah, Jacob’s daughter (Gen 34), goes unmentioned in the genealogies.
This is the major tribe of the southern kingdom. Judah’s family has the largest genealogy of all, about one hundred verses. It includes several complex genealogies and brings the house of David into immediate prominence.
The genealogies of Judah provide evidence about the occurrence of intermarriage in Israel; this is quite interesting because exogamy, i.e., marrying outside family/tribal lines, is condemned elsewhere (especially in the book of Nehemiah). There are at least six cases of intermarriage in this genealogy: 2:3 (“these three, Bathshua, a Canaanite woman, bore to him”); 2:17 (Abigail, David’s sister, bears Amasa, whose father was Jether the Ishmaelite); 2:34-35 (Sheshan has his daughter marry his Egyptian slave Jarha); 3:2 (David’s wife Maacah is daughter of King Talmai of Geshur); 4:18 (“sons of Bithiah, the daughter of Pharaoh”); 4:21-22 (Saraph, who marries into Moab). The Chronicler does not critique any of these intermarriages. This may be the way that the Chronicler incorporates marginal figures or clans into the central group. Clearly it is one of the ways for Judah to expand its population.
This list ultimately focuses on David. For the reader already familiar with other biblical histories, this genealogy recalls several well-known biblical stories, such as Judah and Tamar in Genesis 38 (2:3-4), Samuel’s anointing of Jesse’s youngest son (cf. 1 Sam 16:1-13), and Ruth (2:5, 9-15; cf. the genealogy in Ruth 4:18-22).
The genealogy lists names of various mothers of his children and differentiates children born in Hebron from those born in Jerusalem, paralleling 2 Samuel 3:2-5. Another list of his children is in 1 Chronicles 14:3-7.
Here is a list of kings of Judah to the Babylonian exile (3:10-16) and their descendants after the exile (3:17-24). This list corresponds to information from the books of Kings up to Josiah (died ca. 609 B.C.), where there is divergence. A post-exilic list of about eight generations shows that for the Chronicler the lineage of David remains important after the return from exile.
This list of his descendants derives from various lists. In 4:9-10 we hear the story of a man named Jabez, whose name is derived from the verb for pain (in childbirth), and who is honored above his brothers. Jabez asks for a sizeable blessing from God, who grants his request. Though consistent with the Chronicler’s theology of prayer, this request is more self-referential than most prayers in 1–2 Chronicles.
Simeon traditionally occupies territory close to Judah, in the south of the land. The list of names in 4:24-27 draws on two sources: Genesis 46:10 and Exodus 6:15. Verse 27 recounts Shimei’s offspring, surprisingly mentioning six daughters (plus sixteen sons) and that he has more offspring than his brothers, suggesting a problem with underpopulation in the time of the Chronicler. A list of cities and towns follows, drawing on a list in Joshua 19:1-9 (land allotments after the conquest) but implying that Israelites have been here from time immemorial. Verses 39-43 narrate two events in which Simeon increases its territory, pushing out earlier inhabitants (Meunites and Amalekites) when they needed more space for their flocks. The warlike nature of this group corresponds to their characterization in Genesis 34, 49:5-7 and Judges 9:2.
Reuben occupies territory east of the Jordan River. His four descendants are known also from Genesis 46:8-9, Exodus 6:14, and Numbers 26:5-6. In verses 1-2 Reuben, though firstborn, loses his birthright to the sons of Joseph, since he defiled his father’s bed by having sexual relations with Bilhah, his father’s concubine (Gen 35:22). Moreover, the real power of the firstborn is exercised by Judah.
The names of members of this tribe, situated in northern Transjordan, do not resemble his brief genealogies in Genesis 46:16 and Numbers 26:15.
This unusual section describes the situation of the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, all situated east of the Jordan River. The Chronicler mentions their initial conquests, their sin of idolatry (5:25) which led to their demise, and their (later) exile by the Assyrians ca. 722 B.C.
This is another complex genealogy, which includes various kinds of information about Levites and priests (Aaronites and Zadokites). The passage begins with Levi, mentions three of his sons (Gershon, Kohath, and Merari), and traces the line through his second son, Kohath: Amram, who fathers Aaron, Moses, and Miriam (5:27-41). The Chronicler traces a line through Aaron, Eleazar, Phinehas . . . all the way to Zadok (6:34), a priest in the time of David and Solomon. The line of priests then continues into the post-exilic era (including, incidentally, another Zadok). Zadok seems to be the center of the family—i.e., twelve generations (of forty years) precede him and twelve follow him. So the Chronicler has provided an Aaronite ancestry for Zadok, a fact not mentioned during his more prominent appearances in the books of Samuel (cf. 2 Sam 15–19). The Levi family’s antiquity points to the importance of this family to the entire constitution of Israel. This is part of the Chronicler’s view.
This list includes Gershon, Kohath, and Merari, with a number of off-spring for each of these family groups. Important figures include: Mushi (Moses), son of Merari in verse 4, and Samuel in verse 12 (from Kohath).
Levites are entrusted with the “service of song in the Lord’s house” (6:16), after the ark is installed there. From the house of Kohath are: Heman (6:18), a descendant of Korah (6:22), a name found in several psalm titles. From Gershon, standing at Heman’s right, is Asaph (6:24), another name well known from titles of various psalms. Standing on Heman’s left are the sons of Merari (6:29). Since Levitical temple singers in the First Temple are mentioned only in Chronicles, their presence here may be a bold move to give Levites in the Second Temple era (516 C.E. ff.) an ancient heritage and function. This link with antiquity, i.e., David and Moses, increases their religious significance for Chronicles. From Merari, again, comes Mushi (Moses in 6:32).
These lists portray a traditional view of priestly institutions, i.e., Levite singers (6:16), Levites in charge of “all the other services of the tabernacle of the house of God” (6:33), and priests descended from Aaron, who are responsible for burnt offerings, incense offerings, and all the work of the “holy of holies” (6:34). Service corresponds to our notion of liturgy, so Levites have responsibility for everything but the three tasks assigned to the priests.
These verses list Aaronite priests in charge of burnt offerings and incense offerings to make atonement for Israel, according to Moses’ commands. This list concludes in the time of David, with Zadok and his son Ahimaaz.
This listing of the cities of the Levites, given to them by all the tribes of Israel, probably derives from Joshua 21:1-42. In order to more closely follow the account in Joshua, the original NAB translators transposed verses 46–50 and the NABRE revisers followed suit. Members of the tribe of Levi receive no allotment of land because they are dedicated to God (Josh 14:4), so the Chronicler clearly indicates the names of their cities.
Issachar is a northern tribe, located southwest of the Sea of Galilee. Many of this family are warriors, numbered in a census in David’s time. The only biblical parallels for this list are Genesis 46:13 and Numbers 26:23-25, so the Chronicler may have had other sources of information. Here the Chronicler only details three of the five Galilean tribes: Issachar, Naphtali, and Asher. Zebulun is missing and so is Dan (except for a possible reference noted in verse 12). Altogether, these tribes merit only sixteen verses. Clearly, the Chronicler was much more interested in southern tribes, especially Judah, and in Levi. But his information on the Galilean tribes suggests his ongoing interest in the return of the lost northern tribes.
Benjamin is a small territory, lying north of Judah and south of Ephraim. Parallels include Genesis 46:21 and Numbers 26:38-41. There is a longer genealogy of this family in 1 Chronicles 8:1-28, with many different names. In 7:12, “The sons of Dan: Hushim,” Dan is not actually mentioned in the Hebrew text, but many commentators interpret the Hebrew word as another, unnamed brother and think of it as a reference to Dan, who is not mentioned elsewhere in these genealogies.
A single verse, this genealogy draws on parallels in Genesis 46:24 and Numbers 26:48-50. Since it is so brief, scholars think the actual genealogy was lost. Naphtali’s territory was north of Issachar, in the region known to us as Galilee.
This territory lies north of Ephraim and south of Issachar, from the Jordan River west to the Mediterranean Sea. Biblical parallels include Numbers 26:29-34 and Joshua 17:1-6. This brief notice mentions more women family members than most others (7:15), including the concubine of Manasseh, wives for his sons, and the name of his sister, Maacah. It also mentions Zelophehad, who had only daughters. Zelophehad’s five daughters play an important role in Numbers 27:1-11 and 36:1-12, where they challenge traditional laws of heredity (restricted to sons) and invite Moses to reinterpret law to meet changing circumstances. Here the Chronicler provides a clear reference to their family.
This tribe inhabits the central hill country north of Benjamin. The genealogy is somewhat convoluted, but we do learn that Ephraim’s sons were killed by the people of Gath and that he and his wife subsequently had a third son, Beriah (7:23). His daughter Sheerah, however, is more prominent. She builds three towns, two of which guard the routes from the coastland up into the hill country (7:24). Joshua appears in this genealogy (7:27), whichconcludes with a list of famous places inhabited by Ephraimites and Manassites: Bethel, Gezer, Shechem, Beth-shean, Taanach, Megiddo, and Dor.
This group’s territory is far north, along the coast south of present-day Lebanon. Like the genealogies of Issachar and Benjamin, it focuses on names and references to military leaders (7:4-5, 9, 11, 40). Here are also listed two women: Serah, a daughter of Asher (7:30), and Shua, daughter of Heber, son of Asher (7:32). Biblical parallels are found in Genesis 46:17 and Numbers 26:44-47.
Here is a second Benjaminite genealogy (cf. 7:6-12, above). This tribe, just to the north of Jerusalem and Judah, is important because Saul came from it, and after the loss of the ten northern tribes it continued in association with Judah. The five sons of Benjamin found in 8:1-2 differ from three sons in 1 Chronicles 7:6 and larger numbers in Genesis 46:21 and Numbers 26:38-39. The Chronicler lists the sons of Bela in 8:3-7, and in 8:8-14 lists the sons of Shaharaim.
Again, women are featured in the story: Shaharaim’s wives Hushim and Baara, whom he “put away” (i.e., divorced) (8:8); his wife Hodesh, by whom he had sons (8:9-10); and a later note that he also had children by Hushim (8:11). Some familiar towns, Lod and Ono, were built by Hushim’s descendants, a sign of blessing through a divorcee. Two more families are introduced in verses 13-14: Beriah and Shemah. In 8:15-28, the Chronicler lists a number of families, some members already mentioned, which were said to live in Jerusalem (8:28), which was located on the border of Benjamin and Judah.
A nearly identical genealogy appears in 1 Chronicles 9:35-44. Saul provides the transition from the period of the judges to the monarchy, described in the books of Judges and 1 Samuel but presented in Chronicles only through genealogies. This genealogy carries Saul’s family through approximately ten generations after his death (1 Chr 10), into the eighth century B.C. So Saul’s line remains important even after being displaced by David’s family. Three names in this list refer to the Canaanite god Baal: Baal (8:30), Eshbaal (8:33), and Meribbaal (8:34). Elsewhere the “baal” in these names is modified, eradicating any reference to Baal, but the Chronicler seems not to be worried about the dangers of such worship in his own day.
This chapter begins by summarizing the descendants of Israel of chapters 2–8 (9:1-2). Then the Chronicler lists the ancestral houses of Jerusalem (9:3-34), repeating the genealogy of Saul (9:35-44; cf. 8:29-40). The section, 9:3-34, divides itself according to postexilic views of how Israel was constituted: Israel (laity, non-clerics) in verses 3-9 (naming four tribes: Judah, Benjamin, Ephraim, Manasseh); and the clergy—i.e., the priests (9:10-13) and the Levites (9:14-34). An unusual section lists the gatekeepers and describes their functions (9:17-32), and there is similar attention to gatekeepers in 1 Chronicles 26:1-19. Singers are mentioned in verse 33. Verse 34 concludes the entire list of Levites, reiterating their habitation in Jerusalem. This chapter shows the social dimensions of Judah’s population and concludes with the first ruling family, that of Saul (9:35-44).
Up to this point, the Chronicler has recounted history through detailed genealogies, so this chapter begins the narrative part of the book. Saul’s genealogies are in 1 Chronicles 8:29-40 and 9:35-44. This chapter of Chronicles begins abruptly with the death of Saul, who is killed in a battle with the Philistines. The narrator does not call him a king in this narrative, even though he notes that God had “turned his kingdom over to David” (10:14). The Chronicler emphasizes the death of Saul’s household because his theological perspective is that David’s reign came immediately and completely (10:12). The Chronicler omits some details from the book of Samuel, e.g., the all-night walk of the Jabeshites and the description of hanging corpses on the city walls of Beth-shan. Verses 13-14 are additions by the Chronicler which place the kingdom squarely in David’s hands. They show that the Chronicler knows stories about Saul which he opts not to narrate, like Saul’s consultation with the witch at Endor (1 Sam 28). He mentions Saul’s unfaithfulness which leads to his death and the transfer of his kingship to David, all the results of Saul’s sin. Neither the book of Samuel nor Chronicles comments on Saul’s taking his own life. Saul’s sin consisted in consulting a medium rather than consulting God. The kingdom is at God’s disposal, and he turns it over to David.
In verse 1 “all Israel” suggests an inclusive view of Israel which the Chronicler offers rather than “the tribes of Israel” in 2 Samuel 5:1. The Chronicler does not distinguish between Judah and the northern tribes of Israel. Verse 2 is the one place in Chronicles where Saul is referred to as king. In verse 3 the phrase “in accordance with the word of the Lord given through Samuel” is an addition by the Chronicler. It might refer to 2 Samuel 7:7-8 (cf. 1 Chr 17:6-7), but it might also hearken back to 1 Samuel 15:28 and 16:1-13. It underlines God’s choice of David to be king, an important part of the Chronicler’s theology.
As in Samuel, David’s capture of this Canaanite city as capital of his kingdom is an important part of David’s military strategy. The Chronicler narrates David’s capture of Zion more briefly and less dramatically than Samuel. For the Chronicler, the event has a much more theological tone, showing God’s final plan for David and Jerusalem. In verse 4, David “and all Israel” (instead of “the king and his men” of Samuel) furthers the Chronicler’s notion of inclusivity, especially regarding the northern tribes. The Chronicler omits the difficult saying about the blind and the lame (2 Sam 5:6, 8). Verse 6 has a play on words: the one who “first” strikes down Jebusites will be chief (i.e., “first”), so Joab becomes the chief (“first”), even though he is not included in the lists of David’s supporters (1 Chr 11:10–12:40).
As David’s story begins, the Chronicler includes lists of the mighty men who gave him solid support from the very start. Moreover, the Chronicler omits all the stories of David’s rise to power in 1 Samuel. Therefore, a different portrait of David emerges: a divinely chosen leader with resounding support from various groups in Israel, both north and south.
Verse 10 shows the Chronicler’s theology: David was made king according to the word of the Lord concerning Israel. Here and at 12:23, the Chronicler asserts that David’s kingship was God’s doing, and not David’s own accomplishment. Verses 11-47 are drawn mostly from 2 Samuel 23:8-39, except for the last six verses. In 2 Samuel this list of mighty men comes after all the David stories, almost like an appendix. Here the list resembles a list of characters in the great capture of Zion that was just narrated. The “Three” and the “Thirty” are groups of David’s elite warriors and officers. One story lies within these lists of warriors: the Three who brought water from the cistern at Bethlehem (11:15-19) demonstrate their great loyalty to David, while he shows his own humility in face of their courage. Verses 41b-47 are drawn from sources other than Samuel. These names, including Uriah the Hittite, refer to locations east of the Jordan River.
This section, with no parallel in Samuel, is a composition by the Chronicler. It refers to David’s time with the Philistines at Ziklag (cf. 1 Sam 27:6), depicts the widespread support for David, and recalls the time before he was acclaimed king. He has the support of Benjaminites, Saul’s own tribe (12:2b-8, 17), of the Gadites (12:9-16; not well known in Deuteronomistic History) and Manassites in the north (12:20-21, a story which summarizes some incidents in 1 Sam 28–30). In verse 19, Amasai, chief of the Thirty, speaks with prophetic inspiration of David’s beneficial relationship (peace is mentioned three times) with his supporters. This language of closeness points to the unity that exists when David takes the throne. This feeling of intimate relationship will be sundered in the time of Rehoboam, when the kingdom is divided (2 Chr 10:16).
Composed by the Chronicler, this section offers a more inclusive listing of Israel’s troops which come to David at Hebron, not just the heads or the commanders. It includes soldiers from all the tribes of Israel (including divisions of Levi, into Zadokites and Aaronites) and the two sons of Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh as two separate half-tribes) so that the total could be considered fourteen. Verses 39-41 contain language typical of the Chronicler: David’s kingdom as “all Israel” drawn up in battle array with “resolute intention,” with all the rest of Israel “of one mind,” i.e., in agreement. Verses 40-41 mention three days of festive celebration, with much eating and drinking of various delicacies which were brought by donkeys, camels, mules, and oxen by three northern tribes: Issachar, Zebulun, and Naphtali. No wonder there was rejoicing in Israel! This word “rejoicing” (12:41) also appears in 2 Chronicles 30:23, 26 (Hezekiah’s Passover festival) and in other post-exilic worship festivals (Neh 8:12, 17, and 12:43). Rejoicing describes a characteristic mood of festive celebration. Joyful eating and drinking characterize most public worship events in Chronicles.
David’s transfer of the ark to Jerusalem continues for four chapters: 1 Chronicles 13:1–16:43. The Chronicler rearranges the story found in 2 Samuel 5–6. David’s concern for the ark of God comes first, before he negotiates with Hiram of Tyre and defeats the Philistines, and before the record of his posterity (in 2 Samuel, these events precede his decision to move the ark). For the Chronicler, David’s concern for the ark, for Israel’s worship of God, is his primary role as chosen king.
In this section, composed by the Chronicler, David consults his commanders, and then the assembly of Israel, about the ark. They all participate in the decision to lead the ark to Jerusalem, since it had been neglected in the days of Saul. All the people demonstrate the correct attitude toward the ark (modeling a proper attitude toward symbols of the Lord in the Chronicler’s own day). Special mention of priests and Levites in verse 2 indicates his religious concerns.
The Chronicler follows the source in 2 Samuel, with a few differences. In verse 5 “from Shihor of Egypt to Lebo-hamath,” i.e., from Egypt to Lebanon, denotes the widest boundaries ever claimed by Israel and suggests David’s total inclusion of all peoples ever considered part of Israel. Next the Chronicler follows the story in 2 Samuel: David and all Israel go to bring the ark, which they transport on a cart drawn by oxen to the house of Abinadab, while singing and dancing in great liturgical procession. When the oxen stumble and Uzzah tries to save the ark from falling, God’s anger flares forth because of the command not to touch the ark. In anger, David discontinues the journey, leaving the ark at the house of Obed-edom, which is abundantly blessed by its presence.
The Chronicler follows the Samuel text closely. Hiram of Tyre’s international recognition of David occurs after David demonstrates his concern for the ark. Thus, David’s concern for worship brings benefits in the political realm.
The Chronicler follows Samuel, though he does not mention David’s concubines (2 Sam 5:13). In a comparable genealogical section (1 Chr 3:5-9), the Chronicler does mention David’s concubines, as well as Tamar his daughter, whose narrative in 2 Samuel 13 is not reproduced in Chronicles. Theologically, a large household, as here attributed to David, is a blessing from God. This blessing of progeny also follows the king’s initiative concerning the ark and worship of God.
The Chronicler follows 2 Samuel, adding the comment that David’s fame spread to all the nations (14:17). This victory again follows David’s concern for the ark, suggesting that his military strength depended on his concern for worship.
These chapters constitute a very important text for the Chronicler, who transforms a brief notice in 2 Samuel 6:12-19a (about David’s transfer of the ark to Jerusalem) into a major liturgical festival of transfer and dedication of the ark. It also includes a lengthy psalm of thanksgiving, which portrays the spiritual climate of the celebration.
In 15:1-24 David prepares for the transfer of the ark, i.e., the arrangement of a grand liturgical action. The Levites should carry the ark in procession and they must prepare (i.e., “sanctify”) themselves for the ceremony. The Levites Obed-edom and Jeiel should be the doorkeepers at the sanctuary after this liturgy. This liturgy seems an example of the kind of worship the Chronicler recommends for people of his day. This unit is an original composition of the Chronicler and it highlights his interest in worship, its texts, its music and song, and its officials.
Levites have prominent roles at the temple and in worship. They carry the ark (15:2). In fact, the first attempt to bring the ark to Jerusalem (13:9-11) had failed because Levites did not carry it (15:13). They carry the ark on their shoulders, as Moses had commanded (15:14-15). They are responsible for song and music—a song of joy. So they appoint their kindred to play musical instruments (e.g., cymbals, harps, lyres) and to sing (15:16-22). Finally, some Levites serve as doorkeepers for the ark (15:23, 24). Priests are appointed to blow trumpets before the ark (15:24). Processions with the ark, music, and song are important parts of this type of worship.
First Chronicles 15:25–16:6 is the second part of this narrative. The Chronicler rewrites 2 Samuel 6:12-19, following the sources fairly closely, but with the following changes. First, when David goes to the house of Obed-edom to bring the ark, he is accompanied by the elders of Israel and the officers of the thousands (15:25). Then, in the next verse, the Chronicler says “God helped the Levites to carry the ark of the covenant” (15:26). The Levites enjoy divine favor in Chronicles.
David’s clothing and that of the Levites in 15:27 is also distinctly priestly: fine linen robes, and also the ephod in both Samuel and Chronicles. As in Samuel, Michal (Saul’s daughter and David’s wife) looks on David’s dancing with disgust (15:29). Here her reaction is hard to understand, for she has observed a liturgical procession, not the bawdy, raucous parade of 2 Samuel. She and David’s family appear just to be petty. At this point, the Chronicler omits the ugly scene between David and Michal in 2 Samuel 6:20-23.
In 16:1-3 the Chronicler returns to issues of worship. After this procession reaches the tent, the ritual continues as they make burnt offerings and thanksgiving offerings, and David blesses the people and distributes food delicacies to all. As usual in Chronicles, this type of ceremony is conducted with rejoicing. Then, in 16:4-6, the Chronicler further describes duties of Levites. They serve before the ark, appointed to “celebrate, thank, and praise the Lord” (we prefer “invoke” rather than “celebrate” of the NAB). The Chronicler may indicate three types of psalm-prayers found in the book of Psalms: lament-petitions to God, thanksgiving psalms, and hymns of praise. Asaph the Levite and his family receive important musical tasks (interestingly, there are twelve psalms attributed to Asaph: Psalms 50 and 73–83). Two priests are appointed to make music on trumpets.
The Chronicler adds this long psalm adapted for the occasion by Asaph and his brothers. It includes verses from several canonical psalms. Psalm 105 praises and thanks God for good deeds done for Israel, especially the covenant. Psalm 96 is a hymn of praise, which claims that the Lord is king and calls the people to worship. Psalm 106 is a thanksgiving psalm, but the Chronicler incorporates only its beginning and ending verses (1 Chr 16:34-36; cf. Ps 106:1, 47-48). Verse 34 repeats a favorite refrain of postexilic Judah: “Give thanks to the Lord, who is good, whose love endures forever.” Verse 35 changes tone, petitioning God their savior to gather and deliver them from the nations. The Chronicler might be reflecting postexilic Judah’s desire to be freed of Persian interference and domination. The Chronicler implies that two different kinds of song go together at this point, praise and invocation of God.
The Chronicler concludes the ceremony by assigning different tasks to priests and Levites at two different sites: Gibeon and Jerusalem. The altar of burnt offering remains at Gibeon, where Zadok and the other priests continue regular sacrificial offerings, and some Levites (Heman and Jeduthun) lead the music and song (16:39-42). At Jerusalem, where the ark is installed in the tent, Asaphite Levites lead the worship (without sacrifices). This sung worship seems to be an innovation of the Chronicler and probably mirrors worship patterns of his day. For the Chronicler, the time of Solomon saw both kinds of worship merge in the first temple, an example for his later era.
David’s concern for worship results in God’s promise to establish his house, i.e., Solomon his son, and a lasting temple to be built by him. David’s petition (16:35) has a response from God: the “favor” promised to David (17:13). This pattern of petition and response suggests that those who call upon God will find salvation.
The Chronicler’s source is 2 Samuel 7, God’s promise through Nathan the prophet to establish a lasting dynasty. The Chronicler states some conditions for the behavior of his successors and also changes the story in subtle ways. He omits the warning against sin by David’s son (2 Sam 7:14b). Rather he focuses on the promise to confirm Solomon, who will build the temple. The Chronicler shifts the focus from David’s dynasty to Solomon’s temple. This alteration corresponds with the Chronicler’s views on the importance of worship. David’s proposal to build a house is transformed into a divine promise: a temple (i.e., house) built by his son, Solomon. Another subtle change of the Chronicler concerns “rest.” David as a “man of rest” (2 Sam 7:1, 11) is omitted by the Chronicler in favor of Solomon who will be the “man of rest” (1 Chr 22:9). “Rest” in Chronicles seems to be a quality Israel experiences in association with the temple (2 Chr 6:41). Perhaps the Chronicler adjusts the promise to reflect the reality of his day, i.e., a temple without a king. Thus, his community can find a new person of “rest” and a place of “rest” in the temple of their day.
David utters a prayer of praise and thanksgiving to God for his “house” (i.e., family, dynasty), for Israel, and for God’s promise of a temple. It begins with David’s humble question, “Who am I” that I should be here? (17:16), which is also a confession of God’s graciousness to him. One of the Chronicler’s changes stands out: David claims that God has already blessed his household (17:27), whereas in Samuel God’s blessing would be a future event (2 Sam 7:29). The Chronicler’s David appears more secure and confident because God has already fulfilled his promises. The fate of David (recipient of God’s gracious promise) intertwines with Israel’s well-being, and the themes and the mood of David’s prayer inspire his descendants, especially those of the Chronicler’s era.
God’s graciousness and David’s receptivity work their way out in the next several chapters (1 Chr 18:1–20:8), where David enjoys overwhelming military success against various foes in surrounding countries: Edom, Moab, Ammon, and Philistia. We readers may wonder whether his victories in battle result from his desire to build God a house to dwell in (ch. 17) or from God’s pleasure in the great worship ceremony (ch. 15–16). We may view this success as God’s promise playing itself out in David’s actions. To put it more theologically, David’s success in battle demonstrates God’s blessings for him.
David defeats Philistines (north and west, especially along the coast), Moabites (east, across the Jordan valley), Hadadezer of Zobah (north and east of Aram), and the Arameans (north and east). These victories demonstrate how God makes David victorious everywhere (18:6b, 13b). The Chronicler mentions that booty from battle and the bronze taken from battle with Hadadezer are later used by Solomon to construct the bronze sea and other temple vessels. Here in Chronicles David’s nephew Abishai, rather than David himself, defeats the Edomites (1 Chr 18:12; cf. 2 Sam 8:13).
The Chronicler’s only change is to redefine David’s sons as officials rather than priests (2 Sam 8:18). Since they are not of the line of Aaron, the Chronicler presents a more cautious view (18:17).
The Chronicler omits the story of David’s graciousness to Meribbaal (2 Sam 9), the crippled son of his friend Jonathan. This story would contradict the Chronicler’s assertion that all of Saul’s household died with him at Mount Gilboa (1 Chr 10:6). The Chronicler, unlike Samuel, omits the ongoing power struggle between David and the house of Saul. For the Chronicler, the old order has passed away and a new one begun. In verses 6, 7, and 18, the Chronicler changes some details to magnify David’s role, since enemies make peace with David rather than with Israel (2 Sam 10:19).
The Chronicler mentions that Joab besieges and defeats Rabbah (present-day Amman), while David remains behind in Jerusalem. In 2 Samuel 11, David arranges from Jerusalem for the death of Uriah the Hittite, husband of Bathsheba. The stories of David and Bathsheba and Nathan’s reproof of David (2 Sam 11–12) are not told in Chronicles.
The Chronicler reproduces only eleven verses from ten chapters of 2 Samuel. The stories the Chronicler omitted include many incidents in which David’s loyalty and character seem compromised, where he appears weakened by sin that affects him and most of his household negatively. Omitted are: David, Bathsheba, and Uriah; the rape of Tamar (daughter of David) by Amnon; the anger and rebellion of Absalom, son of David; the flight of David from Jerusalem; the death of Absalom; the revolt of Sheba; and the final quelling of the rebellious groups. The Chronicler omits much of the negative portrayal of David (“whitewash”), perhaps to make him appear more religious and saintly. The Chronicler pictures David as the initiator and leader of Israel’s worship life at the Jerusalem temple. The Chronicler also includes stories (e.g., battle victories) that demonstrate the blessed outcomes of a life of dedicated worship.
Like David’s victory over the Ammonites (20:1-3), his defeat of Philistines shows how God fulfills his blessings for David. For some reason, the Chronicler omits the beautiful psalm of David’s thanksgiving (2 Sam 22:1-51, which is a nearly exact version of Ps 18). Likewise, the Chronicler skips David’s “last words” in 2 Samuel 23:1-7. Though both poems present magnificent religious and spiritual motifs, they differ from the public liturgical songs of praise and thanksgiving which the Chronicler seems to prefer.
This is a pivotal chapter, since the Chronicler presents David’s first personal encounter with sin. This story provides an opportunity to select a site for the temple. Theologically, God seems to respond to those who are seeking him, with the temple as symbol of God’s readiness to grant mercy. So the Chronicler emphasizes this event, which was merely one of the “miscellaneous” stories in 2 Samuel 21–24.
The Chronicler alters the story significantly. In 2 Samuel 24:1, God’s wrath has flared against Israel, so he incites David to sin by ordering the census. The Chronicler says a satan or “an adversary”—and not God— stands against Israel and incites David (21:1). This Satan is like the Satan in Job 1–2, a troublemaker opposed to Job in the heavenly court. The Chronicler thus removes from God any responsibility for tempting David to this sinful action. Next, where 2 Samuel speaks of the threshing floor, the Chronicler changes it to “the place” (21:22, 25), signifying that it would be a site of something special. Some Jewish writings use “the place” as a synonym for the temple, and even refer it to God.
This section comprises four parts. First comes a census, i.e., a military draft (21:1-7); the story implies that all these soldiers belong to David, rather than to God. Second, the prophecy of Gad occurs when David becomes aware of his sin and asks for forgiveness (21:8-13). Through Gad God presents David with three options: famine, enemy attack, or pestilence. David chooses the third, presuming it comes directly from God (whom he offended) and leaves open possibility of divine compassion (21:13). Third, the plague results in the death of seventy thousand (21:14-17). Afterwards, God sends a divine messenger to destroy Jerusalem, but at the last moment the Lord sees and repents, telling the messenger to stop the slaughter. This messenger is standing at the threshing floor of Ornan the Jebusite (Araunah, in 2 Sam), between earth and heaven with his drawn sword in his hand (21:16). This terrible sight symbolizes only a lull in the killing, for the sword is still drawn. So David and the elders make a gesture of penitence, and David confesses his sin—his alone—and begs mercy for his people, “these sheep” (21:17). Fourth, David purchases the threshing floor and the plague ends (21:18-27). Afterwards, David offers sacrifices (21:23, 27) together with his prayer of petition. When fire descends from heaven on the offerings, it demonstrates God’s favor, just as at other key moments in biblical tradition (Lev 9:24, the beginning of Aaron’s priesthood; 1 Kgs 18:38, Elijah on Mt. Carmel. Later in 2 Chr 7:1 fire will descend on offerings in Solomon’s temple, showing divine acceptance of sacrifices and divine hostility coming to an end).
The Chronicler points to this “place” for a continuing encounter with God in the temple, for David sacrifices at the threshing floor of Ornan the Jebusite. The key point is in 22:1: “This is the house of the Lord God, and this is the altar for burnt offerings for Israel.” This verse points to the ultimate religious symbol in this place, the temple to be built by Solomon, with its altar of burnt offering. But for the present (and until Solomon), the tabernacle and altar for offerings are still at the high place at Gibeon. Even though David will not build the temple, he prepares the site for construction. For the Chronicler, worship of God in the temple was the final goal of David’s reign.
These chapters have no parallel source elsewhere in the Bible, so they highlight the Chronicler’s concern with the temple, its construction, and all its personnel. All these events occur during David’s reign instead of Solomon’s, while some verses in Kings about Solomon constructing the temple are omitted. Thus, the Chronicler’s goal seems clear: to show that David really planned the temple and its worship. Chapters 22, 28, and 29 contain narratives about David’s actions, while chapters 23–27 contain lists of personnel for the temple. These chapters give detailed lists of priests and Levites (chs. 23–24), musicians (ch. 25), gatekeepers and overseers (ch. 26), and officials of the kingdom (ch. 27). The Chronicler portrays David positively, showing him as a good king, worthy to be remembered by Israel and by God.
In verses 2-4, David gathers stones, iron, bronze, and cedar for temple building because Solomon is still “young and inexperienced” (22:5). Then he addresses Solomon privately, telling him to build the temple (22:6-16). David cannot do so because he has shed so much blood (22:8). It seems that waging war disqualifies David from enacting his religious program. But Solomon is a “peaceful man,” so he will bring Israel peace and quiet all his days (22:9). Some of the language in this speech reflects Nathan’s message to David in 1 Chronicles 17:1-15. In 1 Chronicles 22:17-19 David instructs Israel’s leaders to help Solomon in this task. Next, in 1 Chronicles 23:1, David makes Solomon king. In Samuel–Kings, there are many struggles in David’s family over the succession to the throne, including an attempt to usurp it by his elder son Adonijah while David is lying on his deathbed. Here, in Chronicles, political intrigue and infighting evaporate, just as the struggles between David and Saul have vanished.
David assigns 38,000 Levites to four different tasks: 24,000 for service of the temple; 6,000 as officers and judges; 4,000 as gatekeepers; and 4,000 for choral music and song (23:3-5). The divisions of Levites correspond to the sons of Levi: Gershon (23:7-11); Kohath (23:12-20); and Merari (23:21-23). David then outlines Levitical duties (23:26-32). They do not carry the tabernacle or its instruments (23:26), but they do assist the priests for the service in the temple (23:28-29). They sing thanks and praise at morning and evening worship and whenever the priests offer burnt offerings, especially at sabbaths, new moons, and festivals (23:30-31). Levites also oversee the tent of meeting and the sanctuary (23:32). The responsibilities and rights of Levites all depend on decisions made by King David.
The postexilic priests are divided up into twenty-four courses or groups, which take turns officiating at the Jerusalem temple, alternating week after week. These are listed as deriving from Aaron’s surviving sons, Eleazar and Ithamar, since Nadab and Abihu died in the desert (cf. Lev 10:1-3; Num 3:4). The Chronicler depicts priests of the line of Eleazar as superior, with Zadok listed among them (24:3-4). Shemaiah the Levite writes down this list in the presence of King David and some prominent priests (24:6). There follows another list of Levites (24:20-30), who cast lots for their positions, just like priests (24:31).
David and his army officers set up the families of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun as musicians for the temple (25:1, 6) and divide them by lot into twenty-four divisions of Levites, paralleling the priests in chapter 24. These Levites prophesy on lyres, harps, and cymbals (25:1). So the music ministry of Levites has a prophetic character, which indicates high regard for their work. David, then, is also responsible for the twenty-four courses of Levite singers with prophetic powers. Moreover, in 2 Chronicles 20 an important Levite will prophesy to King Jehoshaphat in time of grave danger from enemy armies. Chapter 26 lists those Levites serving as gatekeepers and overseers of finances and other civil matters.
David now lists other officials, not Levites, associated with the king: military leaders (27:1-15), tribal leaders (27:16-24), stewards of the king’s property (27:25-31), and members of the royal cabinet (27:32-34). He lists 24,000 workers for each month (27:1-15), and then mentions some well-known advisors of the king: Ahitophel, Hushai, Jehoiada son of Benaiah, Abiathar, and Joab. Many names in this list mirror names in 1 Chronicles 11–12 (i.e., David’s supporters from the time of the monarchy), but they mix with new names that may come from the Persian era, the time of the Chronicler.
In verses 2-10, David addresses an assembly of all royal and civil officials of Israel in a speech that pulls together all the motifs and themes of chapters 22–27. This speech reflects many issues from David’s private address to Solomon in 22:6-16, including God’s promise to David through Nathan the prophet (1 Chr 17). Solomon would build the temple (28:6-10) and be blessed with a dynasty if he would remain faithful to God’s commands (28:7). David exhorts the leaders to study all God’s commands and ordinances; then they will receive the divine blessing (28:8). David turns next to say to Solomon: “know the God of your father and serve him with a whole heart” because God “searches all hearts and understands all the mind’s thoughts” (28:9). God’s knowledge of human hearts echoes language used before the Flood (Gen 6:5). There God knows human hearts, especially their evil inclinations, and this grieves God. But here the Chronicler takes an optimistic turn: the phrase “perfect heart” shows up several times in Chronicles to describe total devotion to God (e.g., 1 Chr 12:38; 28:9; 29:9, 19; 2 Chr 15:17; 16:9; 19:9; 25:2). It probably comes from Deuteronomy 6:5 (“You shall love the Lord, your God, with all your heart”). This spiritual stance leads to a hopeful saying in verse 9: “If you search for him, he will be found.” David concludes: since God has chosen you, Solomon, to build the temple, you must act on it.
In verses 11-19 David transfers to Solomon the temple plans (of the building, of the priests and Levites, of the vessels and decorations), which he had received in writing from God (28:19). He then exhorts Solomon to be courageous and not fearful, for God is with him and will support him, even with all the human assistants he may need (28:20-21).
In 29:1-9 David delivers a third farewell speech (cf. 22:6-16 and 28:2-10) to the assembly, admonishing them to cooperate with Solomon. David lists his generous gifts (29:2-5) and those of others in his administration (29:6-8). All these gifts lead to great rejoicing (29:9), for “[the offerings] had been contributed to the Lord wholeheartedly.” Recounting all those donations is probably intended to challenge the hearers to respond generously themselves. Verse 9 begins and ends with the notion of joy (joyful celebration), while the notion of a whole heart stands in the center of this verse. For the Chronicler total devotion to God leads to joyful celebration.
Here the Chronicler articulates the lofty theology of his postexilic age. He begins with praise and thanksgiving for the God of Israel, expressed in expansive and abstract terms like greatness, power, and glory; and he acknowledges that the kingdom belongs to the Lord (29:11). This language, by the way, resembles the final doxology in the Lord’s Prayer: “For the kingdom, the power, and the glory are yours, now and forever.” God has the power to make everything strong and lasting. Therefore, David and everyone with him join in praising and thanking God (29:12-13). All is gift from God, so David and his people are grateful recipients of divine grace, as he says, aliens and guests before God (29:14-15). David changes from praising God (29:10-13) to confessing utter dependence on God (29:14-17). His prayer concludes with two petitions: keep your people strong in this spirituality (29:18) and give Solomon a “wholehearted desire” so that he can obey your commands and build the temple (29:19).
These same three elements characterize David’s prayer in 1 Chronicles 16:8-36: confession of our sad state as landless patriarchs (16:8-22); praise of God as king (16:23-33); and a petition (16:35). These two prayers (in chs. 16 and 29) pull together key elements of David’s ministry for Israel: installing the ark of God at its place in Jerusalem and passing on the reign and temple-building to his son Solomon. The Chronicler’s audience should always be able to discern the influence of King David in his views of the temple and its worship.
Afterwards, David invites the others to participate in vocal prayer (praising God, 29:20a) and in gesture (prostration, 29:20b), and in the offering of sacrifices (29:21). This ceremony concludes with “great rejoicing,” i.e., with the entire congregation eating and drinking joyfully. Joyful worship, not political intrigue and infighting, are King David’s final legacy, as the Chronicler retells this story for his Jewish community.
In 23:1 David had declared Solomon king, but here the Chronicler repeats it, mentioning the appointment of Zadok as priest (29:22). We learn in advance that Solomon will receive the allegiance of all David’s sons, as well as countless riches and blessings. Then follow the basic statistics of David’s reign (forty years: seven years in Hebron and thirty-three years in Jerusalem) and the simple statement that David has died (29:27-28). This chapter concludes with a typical note about the sources of the Chronicler’s information: Chronicles of Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, and of Gad the seer (29:29).
Acclaimed as king by all Israel (1 Chr 29:20-25), Solomon was not the candidate of any particular group. Like David, his father, he proved to be an avid patron of divine worship at the temple, which he constructed and dedicated, following David’s instructions. Solomon’s role in worship overshadows his wise actions, so strong in 1 Kings and in other biblical traditions. The Chronicler makes a very significant change in his portrayal of Solomon. Here he is not a man of sin, as in 1 Kings 11, where his many wives and concubines lead him astray. The Chronicler simply omitted all the offending sections of 1 Kings, just as he skipped over most of David’s sins and problems in 2 Samuel 11–20. Here is an idyllic picture of national solidarity and prosperity.
In this version Solomon took hold of royal power unhindered, since the Lord supported him (1:1; cf. 1 Kgs 2:12b, 46b). The Chronicler omits information in Kings about the king’s political marriage with the daughter of Pharaoh (1 Kgs 3:1). He journeys to Gibeon (1:2-6), the great high place where the tent of meeting (with the ark) and the bronze altar were located (1:3-5). Solomon and all the people go in procession to Gibeon (2 Chr 3:3).
The ark of God was the central religious symbol in the books of Joshua and Samuel, while the tent was the major religious symbol of priestly traditions in the Pentateuch; here the Chronicler joins them all together. Since 1 Kings waged a verbal campaign against worship at the high places, the writer needed to justify Solomon’s trip there—i.e., the temple had not yet been built. The Chronicler has a more complex view of Israel’s worship during the time of Solomon. The tabernacle built by Moses in the wilderness, with its altar for sacrifices, was still at Gibeon, where they conducted full worship ceremonies: sacrifices and song. After David moved to Jerusalem, the ark and the tent were symbols of another religious movement: music and song.
The Chronicler solves two problems of Israel’s worship. First, he shows why Solomon could go to Gibeon to pray; second, he provides a smooth transition between the older pattern of worship, established by Moses and practiced by the priests in the desert, and the newer worship which also includes choral music and song by the Levites, representing David’s liturgical innovations. This story in Chronicles helped people of the Chronicler’s day appreciate worship with both sacrifice and song at their temple.
Solomon goes to Gibeon, offers sacrifices, and then makes his famous prayer (1:8-12; cf. 1 Kgs 3:6-15). The Chronicler reduces the content in 1 Kings by about half, especially by omitting some of the typical Deuteronomistic language (e.g., 1 Kgs 3:6-8, 10). Here Solomon asks for gifts more closely resembling those God gives him, “wisdom and knowledge”; in 1 Kings 3:9 he had requested an “understanding heart to judge your people.” In Chronicles, Solomon wants these gifts so that he can lead this people and govern appropriately. As in Kings, Solomon receives more gifts than he asks for: wisdom, knowledge, riches, treasures, and glory (1:11-12). But the Chronicler omits verses in Kings which demonstrate Solomon’s wisdom: the story of Solomon’s judgment between the two harlots and the one living child (1 Kgs 3:16-28), and the lists of Solomon’s administrators and officials, which demonstrated his wisdom at governance (1 Kgs 4:1-19).
The Chronicler describes Solomon’s wealth: chariots, horsemen, horses, silver and gold, and cedar for (temple) construction. Mentioning them right after Solomon’s prayer shows how God’s gift of wisdom also resulted in wealth. Information about Solomon’s wealth, wisdom, and horses is repeated in 2 Chronicles 9:25-28. By repeating this information, the Chronicler shows that Solomon’s wisdom and wealth do not fail him (unlike 1 Kgs 11, where his reign ends disgracefully, in sin).
This story shows that Gentile kings now recognize Solomon. The decision to build a temple is Solomon’s first action after receiving the gift of wisdom (1:18). Here, unlike Kings, Solomon initiated correspondence with Huram of Tyre (Hiram in Kings), which gives him a bit more stature. Since the Chronicler has more interest in worship than the book of Kings, he describes temple vessels, furnishings, and rituals not mentioned in Kings: incense and bread offerings for daily morning and evening sacrifice, and for Sabbaths, new moons, and appointed festivals. Each of these practices is known from the Pentateuch, but the Chronicler implies that all should take place in the temple of his day. Later kings will be judged by their fidelity to these criteria (e.g., 2 Chr 13; 28; 29–31).
All these negotiations with Huram of Tyre focus on building and equipping the temple, as Huram’s response emphasizes in his letter to Solomon (2:10-15). He realizes that the Lord loves Solomon and ought to be blessed for appointing Solomon to such a task, so he will send to him a skilled helper, Huram-abi. In 2 Chronicles 2:16-17 Solomon counts as workers all the aliens, probably the Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, and the Jebusites not from Israel (2 Chr 8:7). By speaking of aliens [resident aliens], he implies that they are no longer foreigners but are still not incorporated into Israel. Here is another occasion where the Chronicler includes all the various groups in the land in Israel.
Now Solomon accomplishes his plan; this description is about half as long as its counterpart in Kings. The Chronicler omits completely 1 Kings 6:4-18; 29-38; and 7:1-12. Curiously, the Chronicler abbreviates descriptions of the temple, its construction and furnishings, even though he puts more emphasis on worship and the temple. Apparently the Chronicler has more interest in what went on in the temple than in its furnishings. Also, many details mentioned in Kings may not have existed in the second, rebuilt temple of the Chronicler’s era.
Solomon chooses to locate the temple at the site of David’s sacrifice (1 Chr 22:1). The Chronicler also names the site Moriah, the place of Abraham’s offering of Isaac (Gen 22:2, 14), so this may be the first witness to an ancient tradition that the temple stands on Mount Moriah, site of Abraham’s sacrifice. Thus the Chronicler connects traditions about Abraham and Isaac with those about David’s sacrifice and plan for the temple.
Many details about the physical construction and appearance of the temple derive from Kings, but much of that is not reproduced here, esp. 1 Kings 7:27-37. The Chronicler describes the two columns, Jachin and Boaz (3:15-17), which are also known from 2 Kings 25:17 and Jeremiah 52:21-22. He then describes the bronze altar (4:1), the molten sea (4:2-5), ten basins (4:6), ten menorahs of gold (4:7), the ten tables (4:8), the courtyards for priests and the great court (4:9), pots, shovels, and bowls (4:11) and then describes the placement of all these sacred objects (4:11-16). Then he describes Solomon’s work with all these sacred objects (4:17-22) and says that Solomon put them all in the temple treasuries (5:1). The only object here that is not found in Kings is the bronze altar (4:1), though it does appear elsewhere in the source (1 Kgs 8:64; 2 Kgs 16:14).
In the seventh month Solomon summons all Israel to bring the ark into the temple (5:2-3). The elders enter along with the Levites, who carry the ark to the tent, while priests help to carry the sacred vessels and solemnize the ritual with animal sacrifices (5:4-6). In a solemn assembly of all Israel, they carry the ark to its place, “the inner sanctuary of the house, the holy of holies, beneath the wings of the cherubin” (5:7).
Three times during this worship service the Chronicler mentions sacred song: in 5:11-14 (esp. 5:13); in 7:1-3; and in 7:4-6. Song does not appear in the parallel passages in Kings. The Chronicler emphasizes that David established sacred song and he fashioned the musical instruments. It was sung by Levites and priests, and presumably all the people. The Chronicler also notes how huge public sacrifices were accompanied by song with joy, contrary to some scholars who think that Israel’s sacrifice was always a silent affair.
A different kind of liturgy occurs in 5:11-14: the priests exit from the shrine and are joined east of the altar by large numbers of Levites singing along with the one hundred and twenty priests making music on trumpets. Then a cloud fills the temple as a sign of divine presence (5:14); smoking incense may have carried this meaning in the Chronicler’s community. The Chronicler creates this liturgy of choral song (5:11-14), just like his other two descriptions of sung worship within the temple dedication service. Levites sing “praise to the Lord, who is so good, whose love endures forever” (5:13).
This antiphon is very characteristic of postexilic texts. It already appeared in the psalm of thanksgiving at the worship ceremony in David’s era (1 Chr 16:34). In general it praises the Lord’s ongoing goodness and steadfastness in language that reminds us of the covenant with Moses. We may imagine a cantor and a choir singing this antiphonally, like Psalm 118, reminding us of the covenant and praising God wholeheartedly in grateful acceptance. The Chronicler redefines the style of worship for this moment by introducing Levites and their choirs as a central element. Finally, the cloud that fills the temple reminds Israel of God’s presence (5:14), a symbol drawn from old priestly traditions: Exodus 24:17; 40:34; and Numbers 17:7.
This long, complicated ceremony owes much to the Chronicler’s source in Kings, but there are significant changes. Israel’s heritage in Egypt is downplayed. When speaking of the ark “of the covenant,” the Chronicler fails to mention their ancestors coming out of Egypt as God’s covenant partners (as in 1 Kgs 8:21). At the end of this prayer, the Chronicler omits the verse in Kings describing Israel as a people brought out of Egypt and set apart by God, as Moses the prophet had proclaimed (1 Kgs 8:53).
Solomon’s prayer (6:12-42) is the centerpiece of the service in both Kings and Chronicles, but the Chronicler introduces changes. In 1 Kings the king was simply standing before the altar at prayer (1 Kgs 8:22), but here he was standing on a bronze platform (6:13), possibly the liturgical practice of the Chronicler’s era.
Solomon’s long prayer (6:13-42) highlights the temple as a house of prayer (as in 1 Kgs 8:22-54), a place for petition to God for God’s people Israel, especially when they suffer distress. This prayer petitions God, as do psalms of lament, and it seems to fulfill a task that the Chronicler assigns to Levites, to “invoke” God in petitions. Here Levites also fulfill their role in choral song, and later they give thanks. The prayer refers to seven occasions for the people Israel to approach God, so it is often called a Prayer of the People. The crises that call for such prayer are: improper oaths (6:22-23); defeat in war (6:24-25); drought (6:26-27); famine and pestilence (6:28-31); a foreigner praying to God in the temple (6:32-33); God’s people going out to battle (6:34-35); and God’s people sinning against God (6:36-39).
In the postexilic context one petition stands out: foreigners (e.g., Gentiles) coming to pray in the temple characterizes the Chronicler but contradicts views of Gentiles in other postexilic books (e.g., Ezra and Nehemiah). The second and sixth occasions for prayer concern Israel at war or battle, praying here in the temple for divine help. After the time of Solomon, the Chronicler will show the effectiveness of such prayer in seven different situations. Each time God saves Israel (Judah) against their enemies: Egypt (12:1-8); the northern kingdom of Israel (13:13-16); Zerah of Cush (14:11-12); the Aramaeans (18:31-32); Moab and Ammon (20:5-17); Edom (25:7-11); and Assyria (32:20-22). This lesson of history shows proper recourse to God in times of crisis.
The Chronicler continues Solomon’s prayer with words drawn from Psalm 132, an ancient psalm for processions with the ark. This psalm glorifies David as he brings the ark to Jerusalem, and it celebrates God’s choice of David, of the temple, and of the ark. It suggests that Israel—after the exile, in the Chronicler’s era—should return to their ancient style of worship, bringing the ark to the temple and singing Psalm 132. In verse 41 the words “Arise, Lord God” come from an ancient song Israel sang when they carried the ark into battle (Num 10:35). This song’s theology envisions God’s presence moving into the temple. This is a more priestly theology than that in Kings, which describes the temple as the place where God’s name dwells.
The Chronicler changes other words of Psalm 132. Priests should clothe themselves with salvation (i.e., saving, delivering properties) rather than with clothing of righteousness (1 Kgs). This small change suggests a desire for God’s decisive military aid in the Chronicler’s era. The Chronicler says that God’s priests should rejoice in goodness (they sing out in Kings). “Rejoice” is a technical word for festive worship, which the Chronicler recommends. The Chronicler’s use of Psalm 132 gives the sense of solemn procession and worship.
In 2 Chronicles 7:1-11, like his source in Kings, the Chronicler describes the consecration of the middle court (7:7), the seven-day festival and consecration of the altar (probably the Feast of Booths/Tabernacles, the harvest festival in autumn), and an additional seven days (7:8-9). They rejoiced because of all the good the Lord did for them. This liturgical celebration leads to great benefit and blessing from God, so the Chronicler shows the proper response of the people: sacrifice and also song, always expressed with great joy.
God appears to Solomon during the night after he dedicates the temple (7:12), concluding the dedication liturgy. God has heard the prayer of the temple and confirms the power of Solomon’s prayers of petition (6:13-39). God promises Solomon an enduring kingly line if he will walk faithfully according to God’s commands, as David his father did (7:17-18). Then God challenges Israel: if you turn aside from me and my commands then I will pluck you up, and the fate of your temple will shock everyone who sees it (7:19-22). Although the Chronicler follows the words of 1 Kings closely, the tone is different after the exile. The Chronicler focuses more on God’s promise of blessing than on warnings.
The Chronicler surveys Solomon’s accomplishments on a more political front, i.e., the cities which he captured, controlled, built, and fortified. One telltale change by the Chronicler is the following: in 1 Kings 9:11 Solomon seems to hand over to Hiram (Huram in Chronicles) twenty cities in Galilee, but the Chronicler does not mention Solomon’s subservience to Huram, so he suggests that Huram actually gave these twenty cities to Solomon (8:2). Solomon needs “forced labor” for his extravagant building projects, but the Chronicler points out that he enlisted descendants of the land’s original inhabitants—Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites and Jebusites—for this work, but not native Israelites (8:7-9).
Solomon marries Pharaoh’s daughter, but the Chronicler abandons Kings’ interpretation of this marriage (as evidence of Solomon’s wisdom and wealth). For the Chronicler her presence in the city where the temple now stands presents a problem; his wife cannot reside in the palace because of its sacred precincts (8:11). Some think that these verses suggest Jerusalem is to be a sex-free zone, as the temple scroll from Qumran indicates, but others propose a more likely view: she must reside outside the zone of holiness if she keeps worshiping her ancestral gods.
The Chronicler gives more details about Israel’s worship practices at the temple (8:12-16). Kings mentions three annual festivals with burnt offerings, peace offerings, and incense offerings (1 Kgs 9:25). Here Solomon arranges the proper sacrificial system (8:12) with its worship calendar: daily offerings, Sabbaths, new moons, and three annual festivals, as Moses commanded (8:13). He also arranges the divisions and work of the priests, Levites, and gatekeepers. Here Solomon finalizes the worship arrangements given by his father David.
In this popular story she travels a long way to visit Solomon and her goal is to test him with riddles, to see if his wisdom matches his reputation (9:1). His correct answers demonstrate his wisdom, just as the wealth and beneficence of his house and temple give signs of wisdom (9:2-4). She praises his wisdom and acclaims him as king appointed to administer “right and justice” (9:8), further signs of wisdom. She brings magnificent gifts to Solomon, who uses them to furnish both his palace and the temple. Solomon even uses some of the precious cabinet wood he receives to make lyres and harps for temple singers (9:9-11). In the view that wisdom begets the good life—especially opulence—his wisdom is being recognized. Since wisdom crosses boundaries, it seems fitting that Solomon’s wisdom is tested and proclaimed by someone from another country. That this person is a woman and a queen adds to the perennial appeal of the story.
The Chronicler shows how Solomon’s greatness was recognized by Gentiles both at the start (ch. 2) and end (ch. 9) of his story. The final sentence (9:12) claims that Solomon gave her all that she desired, more than she brought to him. His largesse is appropriate for a great and wise king.
The opulence of this golden era of Israel’s life is a measure of Solomon’s wisdom, how he was gifted by God (9:22-23). Solomon’s horses and stables and his trade in horses with rulers in Egypt, Aram, and the Hittites (9:25-28) again remind us of his wisdom. Often the horse with chariot is the equivalent of a modern war machine. The Chronicler ends the story of Solomon just as he began it, with his great wealth and riches (1:1-17). The comment here about his horses recalls 1:14-17; this is a literary repetition and it binds the entire Solomon section together and alerts readers to see what the Chronicler considers to be most important in Solomon’s story.
The Chronicler omits from the older story of Solomon (1 Kgs 11:1-40) a description of the sin and errors of Solomon’s life, especially all his wives and concubines. In Kings this chapter sets the theological stage for the division of the kingdom after his death; it also contains much historical information about opposition faced by Solomon, both external and internal. All that is absent in Chronicles. Solomon’s faults and sins have vanished, and he emerges as the most faultless of the kings of Israel (even more so than David).
The Chronicler narrates Solomon’s death and Rehoboam’s succession to the throne with only minor changes to the account in Kings. In verse 29, the Chronicler omits Solomon’s wisdom (1 Kgs 11:41) as a topic of discussion. For the Chronicler there were three additional prophetic sources of information to consult for further information: the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah, and the visions of Iddo the seer. Only Nathan and Ahijah are mentioned elsewhere. For the Chronicler, telling history becomes another of the tasks of the prophets.
After Solomon’s death Rehoboam goes north to Shechem to be made king, so Jeroboam returns home from Egypt to confront Rehoboam. Since the Chronicler skipped 1 Kings 11 with its justifications for rebelliousness against Solomon, he can blame this rebellion on Jeroboam and his followers. Jeroboam and his northern companions ask Rehoboam for lighter treatment than they received from Solomon.
Rehoboam consults first with his elders. They understand that a kingdom united North and South as under David and Solomon depends on the good will of all parties, but especially on Rehoboam’s style of rule. They recommend a kindly approach in negotiations to render the Israelites generous (10:7). But Rehoboam also consults his impetuous younger advisors, who counsel forceful and harsh actions to make the northerners submit (10:10-11), and they insult their northern brothers. Unfortunately, Rehoboam prefers their advice, so he reacts harshly to the northerners and alienates them. Israel’s rebellion against the house of David begins here (10:19).
Later, the Chronicler has King Abijah summarize this view of Jeroboam as a rebel (1 Chr 13:6-7). But Rehoboam, indecisive son of Solomon, could not stand up against his young counselors, so the Chronicler also hints that the rebellion was due to Rehoboam’s ineptitude. But the Chronicler still follows Kings in explaining Rehoboam’s rejection of advice as somehow intended by God (10:15; cf. 1 Kgs 12:15). Thus, the Chronicler remains ambivalent: the rebellion and division were brought about by God, but the willfulness of Jeroboam was responsible for its continuation.
The Chronicler changes the picture in Kings because he cannot admit a hint that Jeroboam’s reign was legitimate. The Chronicler omits Kings’ statement that all Israel went out to meet Jeroboam when he returned in order to make “him king over all Israel” (1 Kgs 12:20). In Chronicles, “all Israel” is the entire people, though it refers only to the North in Kings. In 11:4 Rehoboam and “all Israel” obey the words of the Lord by deciding not to go against Jeroboam. Now Rehoboam demonstrates a sensitivity to God’s word (as in 11:17 and 12:5-6), a change from before.
The Chronicler here paints a positive portrait of King Rehoboam. His building projects symbolize divine blessing on his reign (11:5-12). These projects demonstrate his prosperity and suggest a sound strategy: cities for defense, fortified with ample supplies of food, oil, wine, and weapons. Religious matters and reforms come up when the Chronicler speaks of Levites who had lived and worked in the northern kingdom of Israel but were prevented by Jeroboam from being priests to the Lord. Many decide to move south after being deprived of office by Jeroboam, who reforms northern religion by appointing his own priests. This detail, not found in Kings, proves quite interesting, since many scholars think that northern Levites moved south to Judah, bringing with them the Moses traditions which comprise the core of the book of Deuteronomy. The Chronicler describes the spirituality of those who joined Israel in the South. They had “set their hearts to seek the Lord, the God of Israel” (11:16), so they came to Jerusalem to make sacrifices there to God.
Altogether Rehoboam had eighteen wives, sixty concubines, twenty-eight sons, and sixty daughters (11:21). These statistics show God’s blessings for Rehoboam. Rehoboam also appoints Ahijah as crown prince (11:22) and then distributes his sons to every region of the country, a very strategic move. This information is unique to Chronicles. Comparing this section with the book of Kings is instructive. The Chronicler omits the long account of Jeroboam in 1 Kings 12:25–14:20, so his account of Rehoboam is unique and seems designed to present a story parallel to Jeroboam in Kings. This king will set a pattern for viewing later kings in Judah.
Then Rehoboam and all Israel forsake God’s law (12:1), so the Egyptian King Shishak attacks Jerusalem in his fifth year. Shemaiah the prophet delivers a warning to Israel (12:5-6): since they have abandoned the Lord, so the Lord will abandon them. This kind of speech can be used either to evaluate the past or prepare for the future. Here the prophet warns people to change their future behavior. They humble themselves so that God determines not to destroy them but rather to provide a means of escape, even though they must serve Shishak (12:6-7). Servitude to Shishak is intended to teach Israel the difference between serving others and serving God (12:8). Rehoboam humbles himself by agreeing to hand over significant wealth and taxes to the Egyptians, so God’s wrath turns away from total destruction of Judah. But the Chronicler’s final assessment of Rehoboam is fairly negative; it concludes with an ominous remark about continuing wars between Rehoboam and Jeroboam.
The Chronicler expands the eight verses in Kings to twenty-three verses for this three-year reign, but also omits the negative conclusion in 1 Kings 15:3-5. The Chronicler’s fairly positive account focuses on a battle with Jeroboam not included in Kings. Although greatly outnumbered, Abijah stands on a mountain slope in southern Israel (Ephraim) and delivers a long theological speech to his opponents, Jeroboam and Israel (13:4-12). His speech develops these points. God established a covenant with King David, but Jeroboam opposed him, and worthless young men surrounded Rehoboam, who was too young and inexperienced to stand up to them. He challenges the northerners: you cannot oppose David, God’s choice. You banished the priests of the House of Aaron and the Levites and set up your own priesthood. Remember that we are faithful, that our priests and Levites continue to perform their duties—burnt offerings morning and evening, spicy incense, the rows of bread, and the lamp they light each evening (13:10-11). God is with us Judeans, so you Israelites should not fight us, or the Lord. You will not succeed!
This speech does not persuade Jeroboam, so he sets out for battle and surrounds the southerners. But the Judahites cry out to God while the priests blow their horns (13:14). As is normal for those who cry out to God, the Lord responds: Jeroboam and his men are routed, the northerners flee and many thousands are killed. Theologically speaking, the Israelites are humbled, while the Judahites prevail because they rely on the God of their ancestors (13:18). Abijah’s fortunes include fourteen wives, twenty-two sons, and sixteen daughters, signals of a blessed life. The witness to his success is evident.
Asa begins well, calling Judah to seek the Lord, so they prosper. When King Zerah and the Cushites (Ethiopians) attack Judah, Asa cries to the Lord. He professes reliance on God, so they defeat the Ethiopians and other peoples around Gerar. Still Azariah son of Oded receives “the spirit of God” (15:1) and he urges Asa in a type of sermon to seek God (15:2-7). The message is: God is found by those who seek him. Therefore, do not weaken, do not give up, but seek God and persevere. Asa responds by reforming worship in Jerusalem and gathering the people of Judah, Benjamin, and sojourners from the North to celebrate Weeks/Shabuot (15:8-15). Three times the Chronicler says the people sought God (15:12, 13, 15). Here is the key to his auspicious beginning: no war (with Israel) for his first thirty-five years (15:19).
In his latter years, Asa responds poorly to the menacing of Baasha, King of Israel (16:1-10). Asa seeks an alliance with the king of Aram instead of renewing the covenant with God; this leads to initial success (16:2-6). Then Hanani the seer excoriates Asa for relying on Ben-hadad rather than on God, reminding him that he overcame the Ethiopians by relying on God (16:7-9). Asa is angered and imprisons the seer and oppresses many others. When he contracts a serious foot disease, he seeks the help of physicians rather than God (16:12). Asa had sought and trusted God in his earlier years, but he changes in his later years. This turn of events challenges the audience to persevere in seeking God.
The Chronicler moves on to the reign of King Jehoshaphat, passing over without mention several kings of Israel (Nadab, Baasha, Elah, Zimri, Omri, Ahab), plus Elijah and Elisha the prophets (1 Kgs 15:25–21:29). The Chronicler normally omits the history of northern kings, all of whom were evaluated very negatively in the book of Kings.
The Chronicler expands Jehoshaphat’s story from one chapter in Kings to four chapters in Chronicles. Chapter 17 has no parallel in Kings. Jehoshaphat begins positively: he does not seek the Baals but the God of his fathers, and he avoids the practices of Israel. The result is predictable: Jehoshaphat’s reign is firmly established and he receives tribute and wealth (17:5). As proof of his piety (17:6), he sends officials and Levites throughout Judah to teach the Torah, so the people can live according to God’s law (17:7-9). The Chronicler lists this king’s projects, his success in international relations, and the numerical strength of his warrior allies (17:10-19). This data sets the stage for his alliance with Ahab in chapter 18 and it raises an intriguing question: why does a king so devoted to the Lord align himself with Ahab through a marriage alliance (18:1)?
In chapter 18 Jehoshaphat and Ahab of Israel conspire to battle against Aram. Seeking God’s word (18:4) will be tricky, especially since Ahab hates his own prophet by whom he has sought God’s word; Micaiah ben Imlah has spoken words that displease Ahab (18:7). Asked about Ahab’s proposal to go to battle at Ramoth-gilead, Micaiah describes a terrifying image: Israel will be scattered on the mountains, with no shepherd to guide or guard them, so that all the sheep return home alone (18:16). In the ancient near East the shepherds symbolize kings, so Micaiah effectively says that Israel will be without its king, i.e., that Ahab will die in battle. Ahab disregards this unpleasant word, goes to battle, and dies of combat wounds. But Jehoshaphat cries out, so God helps him by luring away his attackers. Once again, crying out to God brings success. The Chronicler’s message is: trust more in God than in human means, including political alliances.
Chapters 19–20 contain more events not included in Kings. A prophet named Jehu, son of Hanani, rebukes Jehoshaphat for aligning with Ahab, one who hates God (19:1-2). Still, Jehoshaphat dedicates his heart to seek God (19:3), with happy results. He reforms Israel’s judicial system by appointing judges dedicated to ancient notions of justice (parallels from Deut 1:16-17; 10:17; and 16:18-20). The most important guide for justice, however, is the divine model: “with the Lord, our God, there is no injustice, no partiality, no bribe-taking” (19:7).
The Chronicler now relates in chapter 20 a victory in battle over the Ammonites and Moabites, a story not known from Kings. When enemies advance from the East, Jehoshaphat’s fear leads him to “consult the Lord” (20:3), the proper religious approach for the Chronicler. This going to God forms part of a larger service of worship, a communal fast and lament service (20:5-12), which leads to God’s clear protection of the people. This story shows how postexilic Israel could address God in time of crisis with prayer in the form of communal laments (which address God, complain of their sufferings, petition God to intervene). A similar event is found in a communal fast alluded to in Joel 1–2, when they are facing a natural disaster (probably a plague of locusts).
Then a prophetic figure stands up—the Levite Jahaziel (20:14)—and proclaims God’s response to the king’s outcry; they should not fear, for God will be with them (20:17). Responding to this promise of victory, the king and people of Jerusalem bow down and worship the Lord (20:17-18). Then Levites arise to praise God with a very loud voice, which they are appointed to do, but here it seems premature, for the victory is still in the future. Jehoshaphat then rises and delivers a speech that sounds like a sermon. Believe God and you will be set firm (20:20); here the Chronicler adapts an old prophetic saying: “Unless your faith is firm / you shall not be firm!” (Isa 7:9). The Chronicler gives a theological commentary on this event: Jehoshaphat faces a test of faith, just as Ahaz faced a test of faith when Isaiah uttered the word to him.
Again the Chronicler views Levites as prophetic speakers. God’s spirit came on Jahaziel the Levite in the assembly (20:14) and he publicly utters a salvation oracle in response to the king’s lament prayer (20:14-17). This Levite’s concern seems more spiritual than tactical; Judah and its leader are to conduct themselves in utter humility and confidence in God, whose deliverance can be expected. The Chronicler seems to address the spiritual yearnings and laments of his own day (Persian-era Judeans). They can realize that God is about to work a new saving action in their day, in the tradition of God’s earlier saving acts for Israel.
Jehoshaphat did not always seek God, but he followed the ways of his father Asa, who ended badly (20:35-37). This shift toward unfaithfulness stands as a powerful reminder to the Chronicler’s audience: persevere in seeking God. Chapters 21–28 are filled with Judean kings who fail because of disobedience, who do not seek God.
The Chronicler’s additions tend to highlight the evils of this reign. The Chronicler lists Jehoram’s brothers, who received many gifts from their father Jehoshaphat (21:2-3); Jehoram kills them all as soon as he takes power (21:4). After marrying Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab of Israel, he follows the evil ways of the kings of Israel (21:6; cf. 2 Kgs 8:18). God’s anger is provoked, so this king might have been put away except for God’s covenant promise not to destroy the royal line of Judah (21:7). His punishment comes in the form of a revolt by Edom and Libnah against Judah (21:10). The Chronicler adds a theological reason for these revolts: Jehoram built high places and led Jerusalem and Judah astray in false worship, thus forsaking God (21:11).
The Chronicler adds a letter from the prophet Elijah to Jehoram (21:12-15). His prophecy of doom explains how his evil conduct (especially killing his brothers and infidelity to God) will lead to a plague on his people and a horrible death by sickness of the bowels for himself. Elijah’s appearance here is intriguing. First, all the stories about Elijah in 1 Kings are omitted by the Chronicler, so this appearance is unique. Nevertheless, Elijah opposes the house of Ahab in Chronicles as in Kings. Just as he proclaims disaster, so it happens for Judah and for Jehoram. The king dies of some terrible disease of the bowels (21:19), and though he was buried in Jerusalem, it was not in the tombs of the kings. After his death, Jerusalem’s inhabitants make his surviving son Ahaziah (Jehoahaz) king in his place (22:1).
The Chronicler adds very little new material and seems to blame his evil on the counsel he followed, much of it from Athaliah and the house of Ahab (22:3-5). So Ahaziah appears as a kind of victim in this text. His ruin came from God because he had sided with Joram, and he was killed in the executions of the house of Ahab conducted by Jehu (22:8-9). In deference to his grandfather Jehoshaphat who sought the Lord, they gave him a burial, though the Chronicler does not mention where. So another unfaithful king of Judah has now passed, and the house of David stands at a precarious point, with no obvious successor to the rule (22:9).
When Athaliah realizes that her house and that of David are facing extinction and she is the only adult who could claim the throne, she prepares to put to death all of Ahaziah’s sons. But Jehosheba, daughter of King Jehoram and sister of Ahaziah, steals away Joash, the only son of Ahaziah still living. She acts to save him from the murderous intentions of Athaliah and to preserve the line of the house of David. The Chronicler emphasizes that Jehoshabeath was married to the priest Jehoiada. This detail fits well with the fact that she and her husband hid the child in the temple for six years, while Athaliah reigned (22:12). The Chronicler says that the child was with “them” in the temple, i.e., husband and wife, rather than with “her” (as in 2 Kgs 11:3). Saving this child involved more than a single person, including cooperation between priests (Jehoiada) and royal family to preserve the Davidic line.
In 23:1-15 the Chronicler retells the story of the coronation of Joash as king of Judah. The leaders go out to the towns of Judah to enlist support of the Levites and leading families. The Chronicler thus demonstrates widespread support and participation to save the royal line because an unbroken succession in the line of David was so important for all. Levites generally replace the military conspirators of 2 Kings (23:2, 4, 6, 7, 8) and priests are added in two places (23:4, 6). The Chronicler implies that danger to the king is also danger to the temple. In Chronicles these events involve all the people, not just a group of military conspirators. The people of the land sound their trumpets along with singers with their musical instruments and praise songs (23:13). Worship is the overall horizon. Then follows the assassination of Athaliah (23:14-15).
Jehoiada the priest acts as a kind of regent for the young king Jehoash after Athaliah’s death. He begins with a covenant ceremony between himself, the people, and the king, so they will be a people of the Lord (23:16). Thus they destroy all signs of Baal worship (23:17) and Jehoiada the priest appoints people to rule the temple. The Chronicler specifies that all these officials were responsible to the Levitical priests who had been organized and appointed by David to offer sacrifices with rejoicing and song. The Chronicler mentions gatekeepers for the temple to protect it from entry by people who were unclean; this was clearly a Levitical concern (23:19). Ultimately the Chronicler is more interested in the cultic purity of the temple than in the political plotting. The Chronicler concludes that the whole city was quiet after Athaliah was executed, so the people of the land rejoiced: God has indeed preserved the line of David and his promise to that line (1 Chr 17).
Jehoash, the young survivor of Athaliah’s massacre, becomes king at age seven and reigns for forty years (24:1). The Chronicler describes a good and blessed reign, as long as his patron Jehoiada is living, and the king restores the temple. The Chronicler has special emphases. First, Jehoash is rewarded for upright behavior; Jehoiada provides him with two wives and he fathers numerous sons and daughters (24:3). Second, the collection to restore the temple features Levites (in addition to priests) following regulations given by Moses (24:9). Third, the officials and people participate enthusiastically in the collection (24:10). The Chronicler thus portrays the project as a joint venture of priest and king; it probably reflects his vision for cooperation in his own day. In contrast to Kings, where money was not spent for temple vessels, they spend leftover money on temple worship vessels and they actively continue the schedule of burnt offerings in the temple (24:14). Thus far Jehoash seems a model king.
After Jehoiada’s death, however, things change dramatically in the Chronicler’s version—with no parallel in Kings. Judean officials approach Jehoash, who heeds their advice and shifts worship back to the old idols (24:18). Divine anger follows (24:18), but God sends prophets to bring them back. They do not heed the prophets (24:19), so God endows Zechariah, son of the priest Jehoiada, with a prophetic spirit and he issues a stern oracle of judgment. Angered, the king orders his officials to stone the priest/prophet in the temple court, a horrifying sacrilege (24:21). The Chronicler accuses Joash of ingratitude, not remembering Jehoiada’s kindness to him, i.e., of breaking the covenant they had made (24:22). The result is a punishment from God in the form of an Aramean invasion (24:23-24). Joash is killed by a conspiracy of his own servants because he spilled the blood of the sons of Jehoiada the priest (24:25). Because of the murder and sacrilege recounted here, the Chronicler claims that he was not buried with the kings of Judah, although his grave was in Jerusalem (24:25). This murder of Zechariah seems to be mentioned in a woe-saying of Jesus against unfaithful people of his own time who shed the blood of prophets (Luke 11:49-51).
Amaziah reigns for twenty-nine years in Jerusalem. The Chronicler includes most of the material in Kings and concludes that he acted correctly in God’s eyes, except “not wholeheartedly” (25:2). His adherence to God’s ways is partial. His first move, political and tactical, is to kill those servants who had killed his father, but he does not kill their children, reasoning from Deuteronomy 24:16 that children should not be put to death because of the sins of their fathers (25:4). The Chronicler adds a story that Amaziah organized his military and hired one hundred thousand northern Israelites. This action invites a prophetic rebuke to rely not on Israel and Ephraim but on God alone (25:7-8). There follow details of acrimonious relations with the North, a successful battle against peoples of Edom and Mt. Seir, and disturbing reports that he then worships the gods of Seir (25:9-14). Another prophet comes to express the Lord’s anger that he would trust other gods to deliver him (25:15). Many other disastrous interchanges follow. He is carried back to Jerusalem on horses and is buried there with his ancestors (25:28). The initial evaluation is correct; he acted uprightly, but only partially. Like Jehoash before him, he begins well but does not persevere.
This king also begins well but ends badly. He becomes king at age sixteen, when his father was killed, and he reigns fifty-two years. The Chronicler gives a much longer account than Kings. At first he seeks God, as instructed by his advisor Zechariah, so God made him prosperous. The Chronicler describes victory on the battlefield, his construction of cisterns and towers, and his development of farms and vineyards because of his love for the earth. Under him the kingdom is prosperous and secure, and much the same situation prevails in the North. This era, the early eighth century B.C., is a time when superpowers were weakened and Israel and Judah could grow strong. Later he grows proud and personally enters the sanctuary to offer incense (26:16). Usurping the authority of the priests brings the punishment of leprosy for the rest of his days (26:19-20). He lives in seclusion, excluded from the temple, while his son Jotham takes over his judicial duties (26:21). After his death, Uzziah is buried adjacent to a royal burial ground. One of the Chronicler’s sources for this story was written by the prophet Isaiah, son of Amoz (26:22). Like his father, Uzziah’s richly prosperous reign turns sour at its end as pride guides his actions.
This report is quite positive, a welcome interlude among many negative accounts. He follows the best paths of his father Uzziah, especially in his construction projects in Jerusalem (Ophel hill) and the hill country of Judah, as he established his ways before God (27:6). In one important detail he does not imitate his father: he does not presume to enter the temple (27:2). Ammonites pay him tribute (27:5), and after his death he rests with his ancestors in the city of David (27:9).
This king reverses the positive pattern of his father, Jotham, so the Chronicler narrates nothing positive about his reign. He is responsible for much idolatry. He personally produces metal images of the Baals (28:2), makes incense offerings in the Ben-hinnom valley, and engages in child sacrifices (28:3). Because he has forsaken his ancestral God (28:6), who is thereby enraged (28:9), Ahaz suffers defeats at the hands of the Arameans (28:5), Israelites (28:6-15), Edomites (28:17), and Philistines (28:18), and is oppressed by Assyria (28:16, 20-21).
The Chronicler tells a much more detailed story of battle with northern Israelites. The prophet Oded exhorts the northerners to curb their rage and return Judean captives, arguing that both Judah and Israel have sinned equally (28:9-11). This unusual speech succeeds and many captives are returned. With regard to Damascus and the Arameans, the Chronicler has Ahaz sacrificing to their gods. He collects temple vessels and uses the metal to pay tribute, closes the temple doors (i.e., causes normal worship to cease), and builds altars everywhere. This thoroughly disobedient king was buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal cemeteries. The Chronicler will move directly to Ahaz’s son, Hezekiah, the next king of Judah.
At this point, the Chronicler omits crucial texts: 2 Kings 17 and 18:9-12. The Kings account begins with the reign of King Hoshea of Israel and includes the attack by Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, and his siege of Samaria. Eventually the Assyrians capture the Israelite capital and send its people into exile. The Chronicler does not comment on these events, since he does not specifically narrate the history of the northern kingdom. Some scholars suggest that the condemnations of Israel are not included by the Chronicler so that northerners, the lost tribes of Israel, could be more clearly invited back to union and worship with the southern kingdom of Judah.
Hezekiah ranks as one of Judah’s three most important kings, after David and Solomon. The Chronicler devotes four chapters to him, most of them without parallels in Kings. The unique material recounts issues of worship at the temple, whereas Kings focuses more on military and political events, especially the invasion of Assyrian King Sennacherib. The Chronicler links Hezekiah’s concern for worship with the accomplishments of David and Solomon. The Chronicler transforms the Hezekiah story into a renewal program for the entire people, including northerners who were presumably cut off after 722 B.C. In chapters 29–30 Hezekiah cleanses the temple from the impurity introduced by Ahaz and reestablishes the proper rituals and the joyful celebration of Passover and Unleavened Bread. He delineates duties and roles of Levites and priests, focusing on status and responsibility for the Levites. Thus the Chronicler underscores the importance of worship for Israel’s common life. His attention to Sennacherib’s invasion and defeat is quite abbreviated when compared with its parallels in 2 Kings 18–19 and Isaiah 36–37. This commentary will emphasize the Chronicler’s favorite issues: temple worship, personnel, and the great Passover festival.
Hezekiah reigns for twenty-nine years and does what God considered right and honest, like David. He restores the temple for worship and for the Passover, after the reign of Ahaz left it with a polytheistic atmosphere. First, he cleanses the temple and rededicates it (29:3-30). Then he assembles the priests and Levites and exhorts them to participate in the cleansing and consecration of the temple (29:5-11). The Levites are prominent in their enthusiastic response. In verses 12-14 the Chronicler lists fourteen Levitical families that participated. The first eight come from the four great Levite families: Kohath, Merari, Gershon, and Elizaphan (29:12-13a), and the next six names derive from three families of singers: Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun (29:13b-14).
To purify the temple, the priests bring out unclean things, while the Levites receive and dispose of them in Wadi Kidron. The ceremonies take eight days for the outer court and another eight days for the inner house of the Lord; so this entire process takes them to the sixteenth of the first month. Since Passover begins on the fourteenth of the first month, they cannot begin on time since the temple is not yet consecrated. Their only alternative is celebrate Passover in the second month.
The consecration ceremony (29:20-30) begins with various sacrifices (sin offerings and sprinkling blood against the altar) to make atonement for all Israel. During the public sacrifices Levites are stationed in the temple and begin their music and song, while the priests sound their trumpets. At the same time the assembly bows down in prostration. Hezekiah arranges for burnt offerings accompanied by the Lord’s song and the playing of trumpets and other musical instruments of David. Having music, song, and burnt offerings together seems to be a liturgical innovation of Hezekiah. The Levites praise God using the ancient words of David and Asaph.
When the assembly brings thank offerings and burnt offerings (29:31-33), Levites assist the priests to prepare the offerings, until enough priests had consecrated themselves. The Chronicler notes that the Levites “were more careful than the priests to sanctify themselves” (29:34). This was a time of great rejoicing over the revival of worship and the Chronicler offers a message for his own era. Postexilic Israelites should adhere to the great worship traditions, especially Passover and Unleavened Bread, which recall Israel’s covenant with their God. Worship should include public sacrifices, music, and song, along with physical prostration; it concludes with personal sacrificial offerings, many of them shared in a liturgical meal with great rejoicing.
This chapter has preparations for the Passover (30:1-12) and the ceremony itself (30:13-27). Invitations to come to Jerusalem for Passover go out also to the northern tribes Ephraim and Manasseh (30:1-2). It seems that the Chronicler aims at some kind of reconciliation with the lost northern tribes. He also invites them for a festival in the second month, as explained in 29:17. The invitation to “return to the Lord” in penitence intends that God might bring back all the exiles to their homeland (30:6). This spirituality of repentance deepens; when you turn to the Lord you will find mercy before your captors, for your God is merciful and compassionate (30:9).
His invitation to Passover finds two distinct responses. Many northerners ridicule the messengers who bring the invitation, while others humble themselves and go to Jerusalem. For some northerners, answering Hezekiah’s invitation carries political ramifications that they could not overcome. Southerners from Judea accept the invitation unanimously (30:12). They celebrate with a huge assembly in Jerusalem for the Unleavened Bread. The Passover sacrifices on the fourteenth of the month (30:14-20) follow prescriptions of the Torah of Moses. There were so many people who needed assistance but had not consecrated themselves that many Levites assisted them in their sacrifices (30:17). The Chronicler mentions large numbers of northerners who had not purified themselves but still ate the Passover meal against regulations. This act poses a challenge for the king. He prays to God for them, especially those who set their heart to seek the Lord (30:18). This shows the importance of a right heart, a spiritual intention in celebrating the festival sacrifice. The Chronicler focuses on inner spirituality in a balance with ritual actions. God listens to the king’s prayer and heals the people (30:20). The feast of Unleavened Bread follows for another seven days, and it combines thanksgiving sacrifices and feasting with thanksgiving songs and music; it is another occasion of great joy.
The entire assembly decides on an additional festival of seven days, a festival not required by Torah and not characterized by burnt offerings or Levitical song and music. However, the notion of joy or rejoicing appears three times in the space of four verses (30:23-26), so typical for the Chronicler. This was an inclusive celebration—with Judeans (community, priests, and Levites), northerners from Israel, and resident aliens (from Judah and Israel). Joy and inclusiveness were sufficient reasons for the Chronicler’s enthusiasm: he exclaims that Hezekiah’s Passover was like none since the days of David and Solomon (30:26). This celebration shows five important aspects of Israel’s public worship. First, it should be an inclusive celebration. Second, it recognizes God’s past generosity to Israel, especially the exodus from Egypt. Third, speaking of the Lord as merciful and compassionate highlights the notion of God’s everlasting compassion, often related to the exodus tradition. Fourth, a whole heart was crucial for good worship. Fifth, there should be great joy and rejoicing. The Chronicler uses the word for joy six times in these chapters (29:30, 36; 30:21, 23, 25, and 26), suggesting that the rituals of worship, exercised with a full heart, actually lead to great rejoicing and to the experience of unity with each other and their entire tradition (30:26).
This chapter adds more information about religious matters during Hezekiah’s reign. They continue to remove vestiges of idolatry after the Passover feast. Hezekiah also establishes the work rotations of priests and Levites, similar to the specifications of David in 1 Chronicles 23–27 (31:2). The monarch is responsible for providing animals for sacrifice; royal funding of sacrifices was likely the historical practice in postexilic times. Financial remuneration for priests and Levites is assigned to voluntary offerings of the people, who respond generously (31:4-13). Moreover, one document specifies the organization of Levites and priests for the distribution of tithes to them (31:14-19). The chapter ends with a positive summary of Hezekiah’s actions; he has acted with a whole heart, so he prospers. The only other king who prospered, according to the Chronicler, was Solomon (1 Chr 29:23), which means that they both follow God’s Torah.
The challenges brought on by the Assyrian invasion of Judah take up only one chapter here, but two chapters in Kings (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) and Isaiah (chs. 36–37). The Chronicler’s interest in Hezekiah’s political and military affairs focuses more on their religious and theological significance, though his reign was apparently a time of great construction projects in Jerusalem (32:27-30). The discussions and negotiations between Judeans and Assyrians in Kings are shortened by the Chronicler, who then mentions that Hezekiah and the prophet Isaiah pray to God (32:20), who delivers them just as he had delivered Israel during the reigns of Abijah (13:3-20), Asa (14:9-15), and Jehoshaphat (20:1-30). Finally, a very brief version of Hezekiah’s illness is mentioned (32:24), distilled from 2 Kings 20:1-11 and Isaiah 38:1-22 (with the famous prayer of Hezekiah).
Still, there are danger signs. Hezekiah is affected by pride (32:25), though he later humbles himself, thus delaying God’s anger until after his time (32:26). Sin is followed by repentance, but it seems possible that the exile was occasioned by his pride. Hezekiah’s repentance repairs the breach, for he is greatly successful again. Great construction projects date to this era, including diversion of the spring Gihon (32:30), corroborated by Hezekiah’s tunnel (visible to this day), with an inscription describing its construction. Also, envoys came to him from Babylon to make inquiries. Finally comes his death notice (32:32-33), with the positive note that he was buried in royal tombs in Jerusalem.
The Chronicler transforms a very negative view of Manasseh in the book of Kings into a vision of hope. Here is a great idolater who becomes a king who is humbled and repents of his sin. His reign of fifty-five years must be seen as a blessing. At first he does evil (as in Kings), rebuilding high places that Hezekiah had torn down, and conducting child sacrifice in the valley of Ben-hin-nom (i.e., Gehenna, as in the New Testament: Matt 5:22; Mark 9:43; Jas 3:6). The Chronicler’s new version in verses 10-17 is surprising. God warns Manasseh and the people to repent (33:10), and then Assyrians capture him and take him to Babylon (33:11). There he prays to his God and humbles himself (33:12; cf. 2 Chr 7:14); his petition is heard and God returns him to Jerusalem, so Manasseh knows that the Lord is God (33:13). Then he pursues ambitious construction projects in the city of David, removing idols and altars, and installing an altar for the Lord. Although his life is changed, the people keep sacrificing on high places, though to the Lord (33:17). In conclusion the Chronicler mentions particularly Manasseh’s prayer to God after he had been humbled and that he was buried in his house (33:18-20). These verses replace the condemnation in 2 Kings 21:10-16. The Chronicler omits mentioning that his sin and the evil of Manasseh were the reason for the downfall of Judah in the South.
Unlike other Judean kings, Manasseh’s life pattern went from bad to good. The Chronicler seldom invents stories, so this account may be considered historical in some way. Still, his repentance, return, and actions are not portrayed as historical but as acts of God. The Chronicler uses his life as an excellent example of the possibility of repentance, forgiveness, and grace, especially for postexilic Israel. In this tradition is the beautiful Prayer of Manasseh, a prayer of penitence found in the Apocrypha but not in the biblical canon.
Manasseh’s son, Amon, follows the evil in his father’s life rather than humbling himself, as Manasseh had done. Rather, he increases his own guilt (33:23). As in Kings, he was assassinated by conspiratorial servants, who were in turn struck down by the people of the land (33:25). Unlike the Kings account, there is no burial notice or regnal notice for this king.
After Amon’s murder the people of the land make the eight-year-old Josiah their king. Surely other officials administer the kingdom until he reaches his majority at age twenty, the twelfth year of his reign (34:3). Josiah is a notable religious reformer, but the Chronicler’s description differs greatly from 2 Kings; there Josiah initiates the reform after his officials find the book of Torah in the temple. For the Chronicler, Josiah’s religious concerns come first. At age sixteen he begins to seek the God of David his forebear, removing high places from Judah and Jerusalem. At age twenty, when he begins to rule himself, his religious reforms begin. He removes and destroys idol altars and images in Jerusalem and Judah; then they pulverize all these objects and spread their dust on the graves of their worshipers (34:4). Since corpse pollution is considered a terrible degradation in Israel, these actions would be especially harsh. As elsewhere, the Chronicler extends the reform to northern Israel (34:6). Josiah’s religious devotion and concerns come first in his career, which is the Chronicler’s preferred order of events (also evidenced in the lives of David and Solomon). The Chronicler also emphasizes that worship and liturgy typify Israel as God’s people, more than politics, economics, or warfare.
Josiah’s religious concern continues. At age twenty-six he orders his officials to repair the Jerusalem temple, using funds collected by the Levites from Israel, Judah, and Jerusalem. They give the money to the appointed workers, honest workers supervised by various Levites. In the midst of these operations Hilkiah the priest finds the book of the Torah given through Moses (34:14). He hands it over to Shaphan, an official, who takes it to Josiah to read aloud before the king (34:18). When Josiah hears the words of the Torah he weeps and tears his garments and is moved to repentance by what he has heard. Many scholars today think that this scroll discovered in the temple was a version of the book of Deuteronomy. For the Chronicler, this discovery results from his reforms, whereas in Kings this discovery motivates Josiah to reform.
Eager to learn the status of this document, Josiah sends Hilkiah, Shaphan, and other officials to inquire of the prophetess Huldah. She responds in an oracle which describes the evil about to overcome Jerusalem and Judah because of their sins (34:23-28). She answers their question only indirectly. She says that God is about to enact all the curses written in the book (presumably those listed in Deut 28:15-68), which implies that Israel deserves the fulfillment of God’s word in Deuteronomy. So she implies that this book of Torah is authentic, i.e., it is God’s word for Israel. But she also prophesies that Josiah will die in peace rather than in battle, because he repented (34:27-28). She is the prophet who authenticates the Torah document and exhorts the king and people to adhere to it and the covenant with God. She is the one woman prophet of the era of Israel’s monarchy.
Josiah’s religious reform also includes a great Passover celebration at the Jerusalem temple, just as Hezekiah has done. Here again the festival is not family-oriented as in contemporary practice but is an act of public worship. It includes slaughtering Passover lambs, burnt offerings, arrangements for the priests and Levites, singers, and gatekeepers. It is followed by the Feast of Unleavened Bread for seven days. This celebration proceeds according to plan.
One unique aspect of this celebration is the description of roles for the Levites. The Chronicler identifies them as teachers of Israel and changes their responsibilities; no longer do they carry the ark, but they assist in temple liturgy and they help in the flaying of the Passover lambs (35:11). The Chronicler emphasizes that the Levites follow God’s word found in the Scriptures: verses 6 and 12 connect their roles with the book of Moses. The Chronicler was very impressed with this festival, noting that nothing comparable had occurred since the days of Samuel the prophet. The Chronicler uses this pattern of an authentic Passover celebration to encourage his community’s practice.
Despite his religious reforms and despite Huldah’s prophecy about Josiah dying peacefully, this king gets caught in the war between Egypt and Assyria. He moves into the path of Pharaoh Neco on his northward battle march through Israel. Chronicles reflects the basic narrative in Kings, but the Chronicler seems troubled by Josiah’s untimely, unmerited death. Neco, the Egyptian ruler, proclaims to Josiah that he intends to attack the house of Judah but not him, so he should cease his opposition. Josiah does not obey Neco, but the Chronicler explains it in a startling way: “he would not listen to the words of Neco that came from the mouth of God” (35:22). Even an enemy king can mediate God’s word to Israel! Perhaps his downfall relates to disbelief in God’s word through the Pharaoh, for Josiah is soon shot by archers, mortally wounded, and dies after his servants carry him back to Jerusalem. Judah and Jerusalem all mourn for Josiah (35:24), and Jeremiah utters a lamentation for him, while male and female singers mention him in their lamentations (35:25). These lamentations remind us of the book of Lamentations, usually connected with Jeremiah the prophet. Josiah has a glorious burial, for he has been loyal and faithful to God’s Torah (35:26). This death notice is extremely positive for Judah’s last independent king.
Made king by the people of the land, Jehoahaz reigns only three months before being deposed by the king of Egypt. Neco imposes tribute on the land, replaces Jehoahaz with his brother Eliakim (his name is changed to Jehoiakim), and exiles him to Egypt. The Chronicler’s account is so brief— an indignity in itself—that it even omits negative comments about his evils.
The Chronicler greatly abridges Jehoiakim’s story in Kings. He removes much of the information in 2 Kings, including hints of the great historical shifts of this time, when Egypt was defeated by Babylon and Judea shifted loyalties from Pharaoh Neco to Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. He also omits the king’s revolt against his Babylonian overlord. For the Chronicler it seems sufficient to mention his reign of eleven years, the evil and abominations of his reign, and his capture and exile to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar. As usual, the Chronicler’s interest focuses on his king’s religious posture, so he adds the information that Nebuchadnezzar took vessels from the Jerusalem temple to his temple in Babylon. This deed is noted also in Daniel 1:1-2. The Chronicler’s brief account demonstrates his negative evaluation of Jehoiakim based on his religious posture.
This brief reign (three months and ten days) lasts long enough for him to do evil in God’s sight, so Nebuchadnezzar takes him to Babylon along with the best vessels from the temple, and in his place installs Zedekiah his brother as king. Overlooking the details of Jehoiachin’s surrender to his enemy and the detailed account of exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 24:14-16), the Chronicler pinpoints religious attitudes and objects as his main interest in this king.
Appointed by Nebuchadnezzar, this king also does evil in God’s sight. The Chronicler summarizes the problem: Zedekiah should have repented and humbled himself before the word of God uttered through Jeremiah (36:12). The prophet Jeremiah contains eight chapters of oracles during Zedekiah’s reign, so we cannot identify a specific act of disobedience but rather a general failure to heed God’s prophetic word. The Chronicler composes his own version of Judah’s end (36:13-17). Zedekiah rebels against Nebuchadnezzar, even though he had sworn by God to serve him: so he offends God and also errs politically (36:13a). More seriously, he hardens his heart against returning to God (36:13b); in biblical language, he refuses to repent, so he is cut off from God. Leaders of the priests and people also act unfaithfully, like the Gentile nations; thus they help to pollute the temple. The Chronicler speaks of the sin and evil in more general terms, but mocking God’s prophetic messengers is serious enough to bring divine anger.
Still, the Chronicler claims that God has compassion on his people and temple and keeps sending messengers to call them back (36:15). Even as the Chronicler spells out Israel’s sins he carefully juxtaposes God’s compassion on the people and temple. God’s ultimate action, bringing the enemy to victory over Jerusalem, seems almost an act of divine desperation (36:17). The Chronicler states tersely that God brings against them the Chaldeans, who destroy the temple and its vessels and slaughter the people.
Nebuchadnezzar exiles to Babylon all those who survive the sword in Jerusalem, until the rise of Cyrus the Persian. For the Chronicler, this exile fulfills Jeremiah’s prophetic saying about seventy years of exile (Jer 25:11-12; 29:10). In this connection, Leviticus 26:34 mentions times of exile for the people as a time for the land to make up its lost sabbaths with sabbatical years. For the Chronicler this is an opportunity for transformation and change in relationship with God.
The Chronicler follows the story pattern of 2 Kings, but not its details or theology. Missing here is the international political scene, especially struggles between Babylon and Egypt and their impact on Judah. Missing also is the notion that exile to Babylon mostly involved higher echelons of Judeans, with the poorer farmers and peasants left around the destroyed city. Lacking also is the tendency in 2 Kings to blame the Babylonian invasions on the sin of Manasseh (e.g., 2 Kgs 24:3; not repeated in 2 Chr). Manasseh has repented in Chronicles. More significant, the Chronicler tends not to blame present evils on past generations; rather he finds the evil in the kings and Judean social groups of the generations after Josiah’s untimely death.
The Chronicler concludes this history quite differently than Kings, which ends with the image of Jehoiachin, the last king of Judah, under house arrest in Babylon. Here the reader is moved to the next historical period, the Persian Era when Jews return to Jerusalem and Judah. Cyrus the Persian has come to power after defeating the Babylonians, and with him has come a new policy of allowing subject peoples to return to their homelands, under watchful conditions. His proclamation begins the book of Ezra (Ezra 1:1-4) but also concludes 2 Chronicles. It includes a startling image of Cyrus in the service of the Lord God of heaven, i.e., as an instrument of Israel’s God. The Chronicler also transforms the doom of exile into a moment of blessing for those who belong to God: May God be with them as they return. Here is a final word of hope, consistent with a theology which envisions the conversion and transformation even of Judea’s worst king, Manasseh. In the last sentences the Chronicler looks forward, to a time of renewed hope and blessing, when Israel strengthens its covenant bond with God through committed worship and faithful service.
1. Why does the Chronicler pay so much attention to genealogy?
2. Read Matthew 1:1-17, the genealogy of Jesus. What is included from the period covered by 1 Chronicles? How does it compare to this view of history?
3. Discuss the important figures in your family tree. What version of history does your family focus on? Who is included, and who is not? What links to the past has the family wanted to preserve?
1. How is King David depicted by the Chronicler?
2. What familiar stories are left out of this account?
3. What is gained by this “whitewashing” of David’s history? What is lost? Are there times when it is necessary to tell this kind of story?
4. What are examples of “heroes” of our own time who have benefited from a revised history? Who has lost in the revision of history?
5. What is the effect of learning “the truth” or finding out a more complex story about a person we idolized?
6. What is your take on the position and identity of the United States now? How does our perception of ourselves affect the stories we tell?
7. The Chronicler is very concerned with establishing the liturgical practices for postexilic Israel. Compare the episode in 1 Chronicles 15 where David brings the ark to Jerusalem with the same episode in 2 Samuel 6. What are the significant differences in the story? Do any aspects of present-day liturgy reflect the account in 1 Chronicles 15?
1. What are the major differences between this portrayal of Solomon and the account in 1 Kings?
2. In 1 Kings, the extravagance of Solomon’s own house was compared to that of the temple. Here, the focus is solely on the temple. What is the significance of the temple? What does the Chronicler want to say about Israel that is different from the portrait during the Exile found in the Deuteronomistic History?
3. What are the elements in the liturgy of the dedication of the temple? How are these elements present in our own liturgies? Do they serve the same purpose?
4. Samuel’s long prayer in 2 Chronicles 6:12-42 lists occasions when it is right for Israel to petition God. How is this prayer like the Prayer of the People in the Catholic Mass?
1. The stories of the prophets Elijah and Elisha are missing in this history. How does this affect the story? If we only had this account, how might that affect our reading of the Transfiguration account in Mark 9:2-14?
2. In chapter 20 the Levite Jahaziel speaks as a prophet. Who are the Levites and what is their traditional role in the Promised Land? How might the gift of prophecy among the Levites help in the unifying project so valued by the Chronicler?
3. Unlike the Deuteronomistic historian, the Chronicler does not go back and forth between the kings of Judah and the kings of Israel but focuses on Judah alone. Why? What is the effect?
4. What is the story of Athaliah?
5. 2 Chronicles 23–24 illustrate the importance of the priest Jehoiada to King Joash’s success and faithfulness to God. What do you make of this relationship? Why do you think the history shows God’s continued commitment to kings rather than appointing religious leaders (priests or prophets) to rule Israel?
1. Why is Hezekiah ranked as “one of Judah’s three most important kings, after David and Solomon”?
2. Why might the feast of Passover and Unleavened Bread receive such attention in the reconsecration of the people?
3. What is the message in the fact that Passover was held one month late and that many who were not yet consecrated still participated? What role do the Levites play here?
4. Pride brings about Hezekiah’s fall and the Babylonian exile of Israel. This parallels Greek tragedy, where a series of kings are brought down for their hubris, an extreme form of pride whereby people think they are equal to or above the gods. How has pride shown itself throughout these histories of Israel? In what way are we susceptible to pride, and what effect does it have on us and our lives?
1. Manasseh is completely transformed in this account from the Deuteronomistic text. Why is this important to the postexilic Israelites?
2. Many believe that deep, mystical prayer or prayerful contemplation of the Bible is always painful because it reveals to us our shortcomings as we draw closer to God. How might this be compared to Josiah’s experience with the Torah? Does this reflect our own experience with the Bible? Why or why not?
3. How does the ending of 2 Chronicles differ from the ending of 2 Kings? Why might the Chronicler have made the change?
4. How does the postexilic Chronicler balance joy and hope with the grief and condemnation implied by the fall of Israel? Is the author successful in providing a history and liturgical vision to sustain a people coming out of exile?
5. What lessons of this text might be useful to us in our current historical context?